• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.56
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• pp.181-208
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• 2018

This paper explores divination cultures of ancient China and how scriptures of the Zhou Yi had been interpreted in terms of Confucian ethics by the Confucian school focusing on Gan hexagram in the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript. Gan hexagram shown on the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript corresponds with Xian hexagram 咸卦 in the received text of the Zhou Yi, which means "gan 感," and the whole subjects of the hexagram are physical love and marriage between male and female. Such examples of divination for wedding between male and female are found frequently in ancient divination including Qinghuajian "Shifa" and these materials also demonstrates that Gan hexagram merely was a divination for love and marriage. However, Xunxi 荀子 "Dalue" 大略 and "Tuanzhuan" of the received text of the Zhou Yi had expanded to the dao 道 of husband and wife, and moreover, "erqi 二氣" philosophy of yin and yang by abstracting the theme of Gan hexagram, namely Xian hexagram, from love and marriage between male and female. Such expansion had stepped forward to a generative theory of all things that composes the world and cosmos in a way of natural philosophy and to a claim for peace under heaven in a way of human society through influences by shengren 聖人. "Xuguazhuan" also regards Xian hexagram 咸卦 as the dao of husband and wife and, based on it, expands to parents and children, sovereign and subject, superiors and inferiors, and the proprieties. The commentary of "Xuguazhuan" is concluded to human manners, starting with cosmic order. These statements interpreted scriptures of the Zhou Yi as Confucian ethics and show the aspects of how the Zhou Yi had become a Confucian classic.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.131
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• pp.199-222
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• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.161-190
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• 2010

In Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, there are a few special signs in red and black that had never been found in previous ZhouYi texts. Pu Mao Zuo (?茅左), who first sorted out Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi, classified the signs into six types and explained them in terms of Yin-Yang theory. On the other hand, Li Shang Xin (李尙信) classified the signs into seven types and argued that these signs show that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) in Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is completely identical with that of the current version of ZhouYi. Edward L. Shaughnessy also conjectured that the order of the hexagrams(卦序) of Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi is identical with that of the current version of Zhouyi after his material analysis of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) substance. Kondo Hiroyuki (近藤浩之) is based his interpretation of the order of the hexagrams(卦序) on his own classification of the signs which identified nine types. All these opinions contain some problems and given that the number of the Bamboo slips(竹簡) are very limited, we have to be very careful when we draw a conclusion. Shanghaibochujian-ZhouYi's signs can be possible when we suppose a 64-hexagrams(64卦) system instead of the 8-trigrams(8卦) system, which demands a reexamination of the common view that the 8-trigrams system preceded the 64-hexagrams system.