• 베이커리
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• no.9 s.338
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• pp.68-71
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• 1996

유럽에서 아시아에 이르는 광활한 국토를 갖고 있는 러시아는 몇 년 전까지만 하더라도 우리에겐 미지의 땅이었다. 인류 최대의 실험작인 사회주의가 일단 실패로 종결되면서 러시아는 우리에게 모습을 드러냈고, 억눌렀던 호기심은 제철을 만난 듯 발동이 걸려 한때 러시아 진출이 붐을 이루기도 했다. 호기심중의 하나가 러시아 빵 문화가 아닐까 한다. 이에 지난 3년간 수차례 러시아를 방문, 러시아 빵 문화를 돌아본 우디라인(구 코티즌 컨설팅)의 김계식 사장의 도움으로 그 호기심을 채워 본다. <편집자 주>

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Costume Conference
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• 2004.05a
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• pp.29-29
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• 2004

복식은 물질문화의 기본적인 요소로써 종교와 문화, 자연환경 및 민족 고유의 특징을 담고있다. 백러시아민족과 우크라이나민족은 러시아민족과 더불어 동슬라브민족에 속한다. 동슬라브민족은 따뜻한 흑해 연안에서 혹독한 기후의 북 러시아와 시베리아지방까지 널리 분포되어 살아왔다. (중략)

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.87-121
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• 2016

Daehoon Ham's novel 'Cheongchunbo' features a studier as the main character who majored in Russian literature and admired the culture of the Soviet Union. From his viewpoint, the novel reproduces North Korean society before and after its independence from Japan. In this regard, it shows multilayered presence related to Russian culture and Soviet Russia. Such an aspect is based on the sense of sympathy that the main character has. The sense of sympathy is originated from the main character's admiration for the exoticism of Soviet culture which was forbidden during the late Japanese occupation. After Korea's independence from Japan, Russian was replaced by English. Such change also occurred in the main character's viewpoint. He underwent a change in his integrative viewpoint on Russian and Soviet under the name of Red Army. After defecting to South Korea, he began to put Russia down as a den possessed by the devil called 'communism.' In the meantime, Russia and Soviet have been separated from each other in ideological terms. The novel 'Cheongchunbo' stresses that the decisive cause of such changes is argued over trusteeship. The main character, fascinated by the presence of exotic Soviet, predicates that Soviet is a political symbol around the national division caused by the trusteeship. His change alluded to the life path of Korean authors who translated Russian literature after independence. During the Japanese occupation, Russian literature translated into Korea was a longing for forbiddance and admiration for Russia. However, the Russia presented in Daehoon Ham's novel before and after independence implies that the romantic translation has ended.

• Venture DIGEST
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• s.91
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• pp.14-15
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• 2006

한국과 러시아는 정치, 경제, 문화, 통일 등 여러 부문에서 동반자 관계를 확립해야 한다. 그러나 아직 한국이 러시아의 발전 속도에 적절히 대응하지 못하고 있는 것이 현실이며, 이에 2006년은 한국 기업들의 러시아 진출 원년이 되어야 할 것이다.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2003

The goal of this paper is to explore and compare the situations of North Korean and Chinese labor forces in the Russian Far East (RFE). First of all, the past and present pictures of North Korean and Chinese labor forces were reviewed, and then local Russinans' views about those foreign workers were analyzed in terms of political, economic, socio-psychological and public order aspects. As a result, it turned out that both North Korean and Chinese workers were regarded as useful to the RFE from economic viewpoint, but not as beneficial to local Russians in terms of maintenance of public order. According to the political and socio-psychological views of local Russians, North Korean labor forces were much more preferable to their Chinese counterparts. This paper implies that participation of South Korea in the development of RFE via North Korea workers is significant in that local Russians are very afraid of flooding Chinese workers there.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.40
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• pp.61-90
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• 2015

The imagery of Ophelia appeared in Russian literature in the middle of the $19^{th}$ century. In contrast with Hamlet, whose name had been always in the center of the most intense debates through centuries, Ophelia had been understood relatively monotonously and simply associated with the images of a chaste maiden, a tragic heroine and a devoted lover. Only after the feminist literary criticism shed new light on the complicated inner world of the young girl, the imagery of Ophelia radically changed, and now it is not difficult to encounter various Ophelias on the contemporary stages and culture. In this paper we study the remarkable changes of the imagery of Ophelia in Russian modernism poetry, analysing A. Blok, A, Akhmatova, M. Tsvetaeva's Ophelia poems. Ophelia in Russian modernism, on the one hand, succeeding to the traditional view on Ophelia in $19^{th}$ century, assumes interesting new aspects, sometimes preempting feminist point of view.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.51-77
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• 2016

In February, 2012, three members of the Russian Feminist Rock group 'Pussy Riot' were accused of staging a 'Punk Prayer' in the Cathedral of Christ the Savior in Moscow and were imprisoned for two years. This case, which sparked widespread enthusiastic support from those in the West, was viewed in Russia in quite a different way. The Pussy Riot affair very effectively shows the historic base of contemporary Russian gender discourse and gives an explanation as to why Putin's very conservative and masculine-centered nationalistic agenda works in Russian society with such great success. In this article, we introduce the Pussy Riot case and compare the reactions to the case published in the Russian and Western press; we then examine the historic causes of the masculine-centered nationalistic agenda of Putin's government.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.305
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• pp.7-7
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• 2001

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.32
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• pp.37-46
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• 1999