• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.789-812
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• 2009

This paper aims to analyse the historical-cultural sources of Azerbaijani national identity through the aspects of the Persian, the Turkish and the Russian influences, and to illuminate its complex characteristics. Then it will be examined the impact and consequences that the Azerbaijani identity exerted on its foreign policy. In the modern world, identities are formed and represented within a variety of shifting social, political, economic, cultural, and discursive contexts. Such understandings can have exclusionary consequences, particularly in pluralistic environments. Since its independence, the PFA government resorted to the arguments of ethnic origin and Azerbaijan's Turkishness to achieve its goals. Domestically, the failure of the ethnicity-based foreign policy was so great that even Azerbaijani Kurds, who under the Soviets had been virtually absorbed into the Azeri population, felt alienated and betrayed. Internationally, Azerbaijan turned Russia and Iran against itself and reduced bargaining power of Turkey since the latter grew increasingly concerned not to exacerbate its relations with Russia.

• KDI북한경제리뷰
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.35-56
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• 2019

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.31-60
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• 2011

Medvedev administration has adopted new foreign policy line because of Obama administration's 'Reset' policy and Global economic crisis. The objectives of Medvedev's new foreign policy are the creation of a favorable external environment and the efficient use of external resources for Russia's economic modernization. To achieve these goals, Medvedev's government fleshed out such specific action plans as the avoidance of conflicts with other powers, the prevention of conflicts around Russia's borders, the activation of capital investment, and the introduction of advanced technology from the outside. This foreign policy line takes shape in the building of a foundation for strategic cooperation with the United States, the preparation for 'Modernization Alliance' with Europe, the management of cooperation and conflict with China and Japan, and the introduction of a dual strategy of strategic stability and economic integration in relations with post-soviet states. In Russia's new foreign policy line the strengthening of relations with the United States and Europe acquires highest priority. However, this does not mean a return to a 'pro-Western liberal line' in the early 1990s. The ultimate goal of Russia's 'modernization' program still lies in the rebuilding of a powerful Russia in accordance with the multipolar world order that was Putin administration's foreign policy line. In this context, foreign policy change under Medvedev administration could be defined as a 'program change at international level' that signifies a change in the means to achieve goals without changing them.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.8 s.174
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• pp.72-75
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• 1993

93년 5월호에 1편이 게재된 이후 3개월만에 필자를 달리하여 러시아의 항공 방산업체의 대외전략에 관하여 살펴봅니다 냉전종식과 체제붕괴에 따른 정책 혼란으로, 변환기를 맞고 있는 러시아의 항공산업을 돌아보고, 우리의 방위산업을 점검해 볼 수 있는 좋은 기회가 되리라 생각합니다 계속해서 93년 9월호에 3편(총 3편)이 게재됩니다

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.289-326
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• 2016

The strategy of "soft power" in the foreign and internal policies of modern Russia is one of the important factors in the implementation of public policies, and the influence of soft power is increasingly becoming stronger and gaining new forms and methods of implementation. The Russian government exerts efforts to form a positive image of Russia in the international arena, in order to strengthen the country's competitiveness, based on active use of "soft power." Currently, Russian cultural policy is developing in two main directions. In the internal policy sphere, the Russian government emphasizes national unity and civic solidarity, and fosters a sense of patriotism and national pride. In the sphere of foreign policy, the Russian government is attempting to regain its status as a great power and to create a new image of Russia that is different from that of the former Soviet Russia. In this article, we examine and analyze various aspects of the hidden political mechanisms involved in mega-sporting events, in particular the Sochi Olympics, from the viewpoint of Russian internal and foreign policy. We address the major functions of mega-sporting events and their influence in the political realm. The political impact of mega-sports projects can even compensate for economic losses incurred during the preparation and hosting of the Olympic games. In this respect, we can define mega-sporting events as one of the main components of soft power; such events reflect the basic directions of internal and foreign policy in post-Soviet Russia, which are to form and promote an image of Russia using national branding. In order to fairly and objectively analyze the recognition and perception held by Russians of the significance of mega-sporting events, in this work, we carefully studied the results of various surveys conducted by the Russian research organization VCIOM (Russian Public Opinion Research Center) before and after Russia hosted the Winter Olympic games in Sochi (2014) and the Summer Olympic games in Kazan (2013). Furthermore, on the basis of the ranking of national brands by Simon Anholt (Anholt Nation Brands Index - NBI), and on the basis of the ranking of 100 national brands conducted by the British consulting company "Brand Finance" (Brand Finance Nation Brands 100), we minutely trace the development and qualitative change in Russia's image and the role of the mega-sporting projects. This article also examines the Kremlin's internal and foreign policies that were successfully carried out in practical terms. This study contributes to the understanding of the value of mega-sporting events from the point of view of cultural policy of the current ruling party of Russia. This standpoint allows us to outline the main directions of Russian cultural policy and to suggest perspectives on the branding strategy of modern Russia, including strategies related to consolidating Russia's position in the international arena.

• Science & Technology Policy
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• v.5 no.9 s.78
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• pp.10-14
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• 1995

• Defense and Technology
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• no.9 s.175
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• pp.64-71
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• 1993

러시아의 항공산업 역사는 복잡다양할 뿐만아니라, 국방산업과 연관되어 비밀리에 발전되어 상세히 알려지지 않았으나, 페레스트로이카 정책 추진 이후 서방의 주요 에어쇼 참가등을 통해 많이 공개되었습니다 현재 러시아의 정치, 사회적 변화가 극심한 관계로 항공산업조직의 정확한 추정은 곤란하지만, 이 글에서는 최근 2-3년간 주요기관들의 변화, 동향을 살펴봄으로써 자본주의 결제체제로의 전환전략 및 가능성을 살펴봅니다

• Proceedings of the Korea Water Resources Association Conference
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• 2008.05a
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• pp.480-484
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• 2008

셀렝게(Selenga)강은 몽골에서 발원하여 세계최대의 담수호로 알려진 러시아 바이칼호로 유입되는 국제하천으로서 소비에트 연방해체 이후 계획경제가 무너지면서 다양한 물환경문제에 노출되어 있다. 몽골의 경우 도시개발이 급격히 진행되고 있으나 처리시설의 미비로 인한 오폐수 배출 및 무분별한 광산개발에 따른 수질오염문제가 현안이 되고 있으며, 러시아(브리아트공화국)는 계획경제의 붕괴에 따른 산업구조의 변화, 처리시설의 부족 및 운영의 비효율성, 산림자원의 개발에 따른 비점오염부하의 증가 등의 수질문제 해결이 요구된다. 몽골은 자연적인 특성상 광물질을 많이 포함하는 지표수 성상 및 매우 적은 강우량으로 인한 수자원의 부족, 지역별로 극심한 물공급량의 불균형, 산업개발에 따른 지하수 오염 등의 문제를 포함한 수자원 부족이 해결해야할 현안과제이고, 러시아는 수자원은 매우 풍부하나 공급시설의 낙후 및 비효율적인 운영으로 인한 물 공급 시스템의 개선이 절실히 요구되는 상황이다. 물 환경관리 체계를 보면 양국 공히 대내적으로는 이용 및 공급 주체별로 분화된 물 관리체제로 인해 부문간 통합성이 결여되어 있으며, 대외적으로는 셀렝게강 상 하류 물이용 개발, 수질보전 및 수생태계보호와 연관된 문제해결을 위한 몽골과 러시아간의 국제적인 협력시스템이 없는 실정이다. 경제개발에 따라 최근 수질오염 및 물이용 개발과 관련된 이해당사자 간의 갈등이 심화되고 있어 이를 지역, 국가, 국제적인 차원에서 조정할 수 있는 통합관리시스템의 구축과 이해당사자의 인식제고 및 자체적인 관리능력 배양을 위한 역량강화프로그램의 개발 운영이 요구되고 있다. 따라서 본 연구에서는 동지역에서 기초현황조사, 물 환경현안 파악, 물 관리정책 및 체계와 문제점을 파악하고 향후 DPISR(Drivers-Pressures-Impact-State- Response) 분석이 가능하도록 물환경관리와 연관된 물환경상태, 현안, 원인, 영향 및 대책을 종합적인 관점에서 분석하며, 해외의 주요 국제하천의 물 환경관리모델에 대한 사례분석 및 비교연구를 통해 물이용 및 개발과 관련된 이해상충 조정체계를 개발하고자 하였다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Information and Commucation Sciences Conference
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• 2017.05a
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• pp.371-372
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• 2017

The United States has built a missile defense system from the Cold War era, but since the end of the Cold War era, there have been many changes in international situation and threats. The forces of power divided between the United States and the Soviet Union have become increasingly threatened by China's willingness to expand its external influence, declaration of strong Russia and North Korea and Iran's nuclear armament and advanced ballistic missile technology. In response to this threat change, the Missile Defense Agency(MDA) has established strategies and policies, but its parent law has not been revised. United States changed to the FY2017 National Defense Authorization Act (FY2017 NDAA) including changed missile defense strategy. In this paper, I check US ballistic missile defense strategies included in the FY2017 NDAA and compare what changes have been made in existing strategies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.86-116
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• 2011

Recently, media diplomacy takes on a substantial role in information war not only in setting global agenda but also in delivering their favored views and frames. Focusing on its crucial impact, this study attempts to investigate empirically the relationship between national prestigious media's news coverage and it's own foreign policy particularly about the 2011 Libya conflict. The total of 530 news articles in such 24 hour English news channels as BBC World, Cnn International, Russia Today, France24, Al Jazeera English and Deusche Welle were analyzed for this study. The analyses reveal that Libya coverages of those news channels are entirely constructed in the context of the foreign policy. To put it concretely, there was the undeniable level of differences in terms of quoting relevant sources, viewpoints, attitudes and frames for the pursuit of media diplomacy helped by high quality journalism. The authors argue in this regard that protecting information sovereignty should be urgently discussed even in the time of digital revolution. To launch 24-hour English news channel like 'Korea 24' would be a possible strategy for influencing global agenda and perspective in way of supporting national interests.