• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.171-208
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• 2016

Female folk song singers do not necessarily recognize the indigenous elements, which are, however, naturally reflected in the narration in the context. Singers of Taebaek Ararei recognize the dialect, the tone and the song when performing. Traditional Ararei had been performed by singers in the village of slash-and-burn field in Hwangji. Cheolam and Jangseong do not have their own traditional songs sing they are mining regions but had adopted songs from other areas including Gyeonggbuk, which still remain as alternative versions. Many elements of Jeongseon Arari and Samcheok Menari are in the narration and the songs. In terms of the context, alternative versions of Ararei are old Arirang melodies from slash-and-burn fields and were confirmed to be a very old form of oral folk songs in Gangwondo. Female singers of 3 generations, Hwaok Mun, Geumsu Kim and Hyojeong Kim, who keep the tradition and identity of Taebaek Ararei, show the integration of the past, present and future of Ararei. The Ararei Preservation Society continuously organizes singers' performances and maintains the tradition. The singer Hwaok Mun was born in Taecheon, Pyeongannamdo and moved to south at 5 and lived in Hajang, Samcheok and then moved to Jangseong and lived in Jaemungok. She is a mother of 6 children and has been a farmer for most of her life. She currently resides in Mungokdong and would sing Ararei at village feasts or events. She says she learned the song naturally because Ararei was sung very often in the past around Taebaek area. She is a typical native Arirang singer. The singer Geumsu Kim is a daughter of Hwaok Mun and leads the Taebaek Ararei Preservation Society to study, maintain and introduce the sound of Taebaek(Taebaek Arirang). She introduces Miner Arirang and Taebaek Ararei to the society members and the local residents. The singer Hyojeong Kim is a granddaughter of Hwaok Mun and follows the tradition of her grandmother and mother while adopting more modern Arirang contents.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.257-301
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• 2018

The purpose of the study is to examine righteous army activity and combat in Hapcheon during the Imjin invasion period. The resulting conclusions are as follows. First, Chung In-hong raised a righteous army in Hapcheon and Kim Myeon raised an army in Goryeong. Chung In-hong commanded the army and fought against Japanese army with a leadership of knowing the enemy and himself, and Kim Myeon commanded the army and fought against Japanese military with a leadership of harmony. Second, battles of Chung In-hong's righteous army are the first Mugye battle, the ambush battle in Sawon-dong, the Chogye Majin battle, the Aneon battle, and the third Seongju Castle battle. Battles of Kim Myeon's righteous army are the Yeongang battle, the Gaesanpo battle, the second Mugye battle, the Ucheok-hyeon battle, the Jirye battle, and the Sarangam battle. Battles that Chung In-hong and Kim Myeon united and fought are the first and second Seongju Castle battles. In Jeongyu Jaeran, Chung In-hong played a role of Jodosa who takes charge of provisions in the right area of Gyeongsang. In addition, Hapcheon was the access road and transport route where Japanese army entered Jeolla-do. Third, participation and role of Ming troops are part of restraint device against Japanese army with military tactics of ii chei(using foreigners to control foreigners) to remove Japanese army from Joseon and defend Yodong. After a victory of Li Rusong in Pyeongyang Castle in January, 1593(the 26th year of Seongjo), Ming troops pursued practical interest through peace talks rather than active battles. When there was practically Siege of Jinju, Yujeong troops of Ming entered with hand-to-hand martial arts of Sacheon soldiers in late June, 1593, but did not participate because they should wait for orders of Gyeongnyak Song Eung-chang and Admiral Li Rusong. Fourth, in the Imjin invasion period, Joseon suffered terrible damage such as ruin of the whole country by invasion of Japanese army and in need of aid of military rice from Ming troops, but righteous armies and the royal forces in each area cooperated so defeated Japanese army. It is understood through a case of Hapcheon in the right area of Gyeongsang. Especially, Joseon did not succumb to pressure of Ming troops that used full powers to two aspects such as settlement and battle with Japan during the war, and did not lose national confidence and pride by showing a fighting will to fight against Japanese army to the end with independence. Such a spiritual culture originated from homeland protection and loyalty to the king, and is national spirit of resistance that sublimates the united mind and spirit of community to protect a country against foreign invasion.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.37-74
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• 2016

Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.291-319
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is aesthetical inquiry on agreement inherent in the 'Pyeongkunyul of "Siakhwaseong" "Yulryo" is to have come from the 'Taekuk'. as the structure of 'Yumyaungdaedae' which 'represents a "Dosu". it becomes "Habsanweil" and it consists of "HwangjongYul" on it. There are two kinds of ways to "Pyeongkunyul" and "Sambunsonikyul". "PyeongkunYul is characterized by soundly solving the challenges of the "Jueibulban". "Yulryo" is to pursue a 'Hwa' through that "Eum" response each other. The human ear to listen to "Yul" and can be divided "Yul" because the same "Eum" is to meet with one another. The other two 'Eum' at the same time the "Maeknory" is caused by the ratio of the frequency. because "Hwaibudong". In the "DongEum" and 'octave of Eum' is not a "Maeknory" when listening ear of a person 'Dong'. In contrast, "Hwa" is a sound relationship revealed in "12Yul" in "Dong Eum" with the exception of 'octaves of Eum', that is the most easy to hear 4Do(5Do) at "Yulryo" From the point of view for "Joenchecaeyong", 4do forms a pure sound there is no Maeknory, such as "Dongeum", only partial ones in the "12Yul" by "Sambunsonik". 4Do(5Do) in "Pyeongkunyul" although though the "Maeknory" of about times put to 3 seconds to occur, so that makes the perfect "Hwa" in all of the "12Yul" "Yulryo" is apparent to the sound. "YangYul" and "Eumryo" that began from "Taekuk" which must be extended to the same "Eumga" Therefore "12Yul" consisting "Pyeongkunyul" is based on the "Yackry" of "Habsanweil" As a whole to achieve the overall Harmony and based on the As aesthetical on agreement inherent of "Hwa".

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.225-255
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• 2009

Few data on the epigraph from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have been reported so far. The present paper, based on an examination of the style of the epitaphic tombstones of Princess Jeong-Hye and Princess Jeong-Hyo, investigates the historical formation and characteristics of Balhae's epitaphic style and its influences on the posterior periods. The epitaphs from the Bal-Hae Dynasty have the following epigraphic characteristics and historical significances. First, Bal-Hae's epitaphs are similar to those from the Goguryeo Dynasty in the sense that they are angular in their form. Tombstones with angular head first appeared during the East Han period. During the Wi-Jin period, however, as tombstones were not allowed to be erected in front of the tomb, small-sized epitaphic tombstones were set up inside tombs. Typical tombstones from the Dang Dynasty had stone pole and square cover. Unlike those from the Dang and the Tong-Il Silla Dynasties, however, the epitaphs from Bal-Hae had angular head in their tombstone body. The Bal-Hae's angular headed tombstones are very likely to testify that Goguryeo's epitaphs, which features an influence from the Wi-Jin Nambuk-Jo period, in turn exerted an effect on those from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Second, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones are characterized by their hexagonal head,which were modified from the then typical pentagonal head by cutting out the sharp point. The hexagonal head, which has not been found in its neighboring countries during the same historical period, is peculiar to the epitaphic tombstones from the Bal-Hae Dynasty. Third, the edge lines and ornamental figures first appeared in Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstones, as seen in those of Princess Jeong-Hye. In the fa?ade of the epitaphic tombstone, a carved line demarcates its rectangular body and trapezoidal head. Four faces of the body stonehave two parallel lines in their edges within which vignette was inscribed, and the trapezoidal head part was ornamented with flower figures. Fourth, Bal-Hae's epitaphic tombstone had an extensive influence on the posterior countries in its neighborhood. The epitaphic tombstones in the Bal-Hae style are very often found in those of the Goryeo Dynasty and the Yo Dynasty which were greatly influenced from Bal-Hae. The vestiges of Bal-Hae's epitaphic style are also found in those from the Song, the Geum, and the Won Dynasties.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.119-151
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• 2018

This paper is a study of the historical significance of The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa temple in the Joseon Dynasty. The Bongeunsa temple was originally a hermitage named Geungseongam, which was located in the Hakdang-dong, Gwangju County, Gyeonggi Province. After that, Geungseongam was named as Geungseongsa temple. Geungseongsa temple was left in that position and acted as the Temples belonging to Royal Tombs(陵寢寺, TRT) of the King Sungjong, later the name of the temple was changed to Bongeunsa Temple. As a result of movement of the royal tomb of the Joongjong(靖陵) next to the royal tomb of Sungjong, the Bongeunsa was also used as a TRT of the Seonjeongneung royal tomb. After that, the grandson of the King Joongjong, crown prince Soonhoe early passed away, Buddhist shrine (願堂) was set in Bongeunsa temple. Bongeunsa temple remained as a royal prayer place, serving as a Buddhist shrine for crown prince Soonhoe and serving as a Jopo temples for Seonjeongneung royal tomb until the end of the Joseon Dynasty. From the time when it was called Geungseongam to the time after when it was renamed as Bongeunsa Temple, this temple performed The water and land ceremony. But the characters changed little by little. From the King Sejo to King Sungjong, The water and land ceremony characterized Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for prince Gwangpyeong, King Sejong, Queen Soehan and served as the Buddhist memorial praying for the well being of the royal family and people. From the time of the King Yonsan to the time of King Myeongjong, The water and land ceremony had strong characters for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for King. In the late Joseon Dynasty, Bongeunsa Temple served as the royal party of The water and land ceremony. On the other hand, after the Manchu war of 1636, Bongeunsa Temple also served as the national water and land ceremony for the victims who were killed in the mountains of Namhan. In the Joseon dynasty, The water and land ceremony performed by Bongeunsa Temple was strongly directed for Consolation ceremony for the spirit of the dead for royal family members, and Bongeunsa Temple was maintained as a royal prayer throughout the Joseon Dynasty.