• 비료회보
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• v.13 no.13 s.357
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• pp.43-53
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• 1988

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2000.11a
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• pp.112-113
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• 2000

시장의 글로벌화(globalization)는 오늘날 기업들이 직면한 가장 큰 도전이다$^1$). 국가경계의 급속한 붕괴, 지역간 통합(유럽 연합 ［EU］, 북미 자유 무역 협정, 동남 아시아 연합 등), 제조 기술의 표준화, 글로벌 투자와 글로벌 제품전략, 세계 여행의 확대, 교육과 지적 수준의 급속한 증가, 개발도상 국가들의 도시화, 국가간의 정보(월드 와이드 웹), 노동, 자본 및 테크놀로지의 자유로운 유통, 소비자 욕구와 구매력의 증가, 텔레커뮤니케이션 테크놀러지의 진보, 그리고 글로벌 미디어의 출현등은 각 국의 개별시장을 하나의 글로벌 시장으로 통합시키는 경향을 가속화시키고 있다.(중략)

• 정보화사회
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• s.107
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• pp.54-56
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• 1996

동남아시아 국가연합(ASEAN)의 우등생, 말레이시아가 '멀티미디어 입국'이라는 야심적인 구상을 내걸고 있다. 이 구상의 핵심은 '멀티미디어 수퍼 코리도'(Multimedia Super Corridor:MSC). 수도 쿠와라룸풀의 남쪽에 퍼져있는 지역을 코리도 즉 회랑(중심지역, 편집자주)으로 보고, 인텔리젼트 시티나 전자행정부, 신국제공항 등을 배치하여 최신의 통신인프라, 도로교통망으로 연결, 멀티미디어의 일대 실험구역으로 육성하고자는 것이다. 말레이시아는 왜 멀티미디어를 차세대의 중심산업으로 육성하려는 것일까. 멀티미디어 입국 구상의 청사진을 리포트해 본다.

• Proceedings of KOSOMES biannual meeting
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• 2018.06a
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• pp.14-15
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• 2018

• Journal of Wetlands Research
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.163-172
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• 2021

This study aims to draw the limitations of wetland restoration related legal systems of ASEAN+3 countries and suggest the improvements. In the case of Korea, there is no integrated law or integrated management organization for wetland restoration, and the legal basis for estuaries restoration is insufficient. As many ASEAN countries depend on wetlands for their livelihood, public support for sustainable use and conservation of wetlands should be preceded through raising awareness about the value of wetlands. Some countries need to establish a specific wetland definition, while developing countries need to strengthen national capacities through international cooperation. A legal basis is needed to eliminate the impacts on peatlands and mangrove forests and conserve them.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• Journal of Navigation and Port Research
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.177-184
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• 2004

The purpose of this study is to identify and evaluate the competitiveness of container ports in ASEAN(Association of Southeast Asian Nations) and Korea, which plays a leading role in basing the hub of international logistics strategies at the onset of the 21st century. Its ultimate purpose is to consider the relevant policy-making by comparing the competitiveness of ASEAN and Korea's container ports. This paper adopted the HFP method, which is an empirical analysis that evaluated the port competitiveness by quantifying it a, a qualitative attribute in the aforementioned area, where both ASEAN and Korea vie with each other for increasing container throughput. The results of this study showed that Singapore ranked the first in the subject of study in view of the competitiveness, followed by Busan(2) and Manila(2) as a leading group of the relevant ports in international logistics strategies. This analytic evaluation contributes to the empirical approach applied to policy-making by the HFP method, which is the newest research technique in social science through the comparative study of port competitiveness between ASEAN and Korea.

• Journal of Korea Port Economic Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.1-32
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to identify and evaluate the competitiveness of ports in ASEAN(Association of Southeast Asian Nations), which plays a leading role in basing the hub of global logistics strategies as a countermeasure in changes of logistics environments. This region represents most severe competition among Mega Hub ports in the world in terms of container cargo throughput at the onset of the 21st century. The research method in this study accounted for overlapping between attributes, and introduced the HFP method that can perform mathematical operations. The scope of this study was strictly confined to the ports of ASEAN, which cover the top 100 of 350 container ports that were presented in Containerization International Yearbook 2002 with reference to container throughput. The results of this study show Singapore in the number one position. Even when we compare with major ports in Korea (after getting comparative ratings and applying the same data and evaluation structure), the number one position still goes to Singapore and then Busan(2) and Manila(2), followed by Port Klang(4), Tanjung Priok(5), Tanjung Perak(6), Bangkok(7), Inchon(8), Laem Chabang(9) and Penang(9). In terms of the main contributions of this study, it is the first empirical study to apply the combined attributes of detailed and representative attributes into the advanced HFP model which was enhanced by the KJ method to evaluate the port competitiveness in ASEAN. Up-to-now, none has comprehensively conducted researches with sophisticated port methodology that has discussed a variety of changes in port development and terminal transfers of major shipping lines in the region. Moreover, through the comparative evaluation among major ports in Korea and ASEAN, the presentation of comparative competitiveness for Korean ports is a great achievement in this study. In order to reinforce this study, it needs further compensative research, including cost factors which could not be applied to modeling the subject ports by lack of consistently quantified data in ASEAN.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.131-161
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• 2017

The political dynamics of Malaysia in 2016 should be seen as a process of losing an political opportunity mainly due to the split in opposition parties. The opportunity for political development was triggered by the ruling party in crisis. The ongoing 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB) scandal involving the Prime Minister Najib Razak would have provided a favorable condition for the transfer of power. The opposition parties have however failed to utilize the chance that has arisen since the general elections in 2008 and 2013 due to the chronic problem of disunity. It can be seen as distortions of political development referring to a phenomenon in which a chance for regime change formed by the crisis in authoritarian regime is distorted by internal conflicts among opposition parties. Malaysia's political turmoil seemed to paralyze its economy while foreign policy was used as a tool for domestic politics. It was reported that the key economic indicator have worsen including exports and budget deficit. The ringgit had dropped to its lowest level since the economic crisis in 1997-98 which was mainly attributed to diminishing credibility on the Najib's administration. Najib's political struggle has also impeded Malaysia's foreign policy which has attempt to embrace China and the Rohingya issue. The chance to manage key risks would be diminished if oppositions' disunity continues as there is speculation that the general election could be held in 2017.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.2
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• pp.213-247
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• 2018

Thailand in 2017 the public sentiment has turned against the military government. The four pledges the military declared immediately after the 2014 coup, restoration of democracy, addressing of divisive politics, eradication of corruption, and stimulation of the economy have all failed. In the same year, however, Thai military junta began to recover it's diplomatic relationship with western countries including US and EU owing to promulgation of the new constitution endorsed by King Maha Vajiralongkorn and the lavish funeral of late King Bhumibol Adulyadej which was attended by huge number of condolence delegations from around the world including US Defense Secretary James Mattis. Since the 2014 coup, US has sanctioned the country under military junta led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha for urging them back to the barracks. EU also joined this sanction measures. US signaled change in it's policy when General Prayuth got the chance to visit US and meet President Donal Trump in 2017. General Prayuth Chan-o-cha's military junta could start to restore it's reputation internationally. Domestically, he used absolute powers based on section 44 of the interim constitution, also guranteed in the new constitution. Oversea and national human rights groups have criticized that the interim constitution for permitting the NCPO, Thai military junta's official name, to carry out policies and actions without any effective oversight or accountability for human rights violations. On 1 December 2017, Thailand marked the one-year anniversary of King Maha Vajiralongkorn's accession to the throne as the country's new monarch, Rama X. In the first year of King Rama X's reign, arrests, prosecutions, and imprisonment under Article 112 of Thailand's Criminal Code (lese-majeste) have continued unabated in Thailand. NCPO has continued to abuse Article 112 to detain alleged violators and curb any form of discussion regarding the monarchy, particularly on social media. In this worsening human rights environment General Prayuth Chan-o-cha enforced continuously campaign like Thai-style democracy- an effort to promote largely autocratic 'Thainess' in such a way that freedom of expression is threatened. It is a resurgence of 'Sarit Model'. In the beginning of 2017 Thai military government raised the slogan of 'opportunity Thailand' in the context of 'Thailand 4.0' project which attempts to transform Thai economy based on industry-driven to innovation-driven for recovering robust growth. To consider freedom and liberty as a source of innovation, 'Thailand 4.0' led by 'Sarit Model' without democracy would be skeptical.