• Title/Summary/Keyword: 동국여지승람

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A study on the white porcelain in Sangju focus on the literature data (문헌자료를 중심으로 한 상주백자 연구)

  • Kim, Jong-Tae
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.19 no.5 s.67
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    • pp.17-30
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    • 2006
  • The early Joseon Dynasty is very important period of studying about Korean history of ceramics because various kinds of porcelain were produced like celadon, brown porcelain, white porcelain, inlaid white porcelain, blue porcelain etc, $\ulcorner$sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ was published and Saongwon established its branch. Moreover, there also had a sudden political change to Joseon Dynasty, so ceramic industry in Gangjin was closed and artisans in Gangjin scattered to find safer place. One of these place was Imiwueri and Chuhyunri, Joongmohyun in Sangju.(the name of the place in that times, now Modongmyun) Also, Sangju in Gyeongsangbuk-Do is one of the places where can get materials for producing white porcelain, so artisans in Gangjin could migrate to the place during change of regime to Joseon Dynasty which based on Sung Confucianism. In $\ulcorner$Tejongsilrok$\lrcorner$, it mentioned specific areas like Joongmo, Hwaryeong in Sangju, Gyeongsang-Do and we can find out about situations of ceramic production in the early 15 centuries with producing dishes for a Royal family. $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ mentioned Imiwueri and Chuhyunri and Sangju produced the half of porcelains. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$, Sangju takes charge of 8 spots which is one third of ceramic production. $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdojiriji$\lrcorner$ and $\ulcorner$Sejongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$ were published with same goals at the same year. In $\ulcorner$Gyeongsangdosokchanjiriji$\lrcorner$, there was deleted nine spots which included high, middle, low level compared with $\ulcorner$Seiongsilrok$\lrcorner$ $\ulcorner$Jiriji$\lrcorner$, and in $\ulcorner$Donggukyeojiseungram$\lrcorner$ there was entirely deleted the locations of porcelain spots and potteries.

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Restoration and Scientific Analysis of Casting Bronze Type in Joseon Dynasty (조선왕실 주조 청동활자의 복원과 과학적 분석)

  • Yun, Yong-Hyun;Cho, Nam-Chul;Lee, Seung-Cheol
    • Journal of Conservation Science
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    • v.25 no.2
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    • pp.207-217
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    • 2009
  • After replicating 10 bronze types such as Gyemija, Gyeongjaja, Eulhaeja, etc. before the Imjin war, we studied the change of microstructure from each casting process, method, and alloy ratio by Gyechukja replicated from "Donggukyeojiseungnam". We selected the average of compositions of Eulhaeja in the National Museum of Korea as the standard(Cu 86.7%, Sn: 9.7%, Pb: 2.3%) of bronze types, so we decided on the alloy's composition of Cu 87%, Sn 15%, Pb 8% added to 5% Sn and Pb contents because of evaporating the Sn and the Pb. Before replicating major metal types, we made master-alloy first, melting it again, and then replicated metal types. The composition of the 1'st replicated Gyechukja showed the range of Cu 85.81~87.63%, Sn 9.27~10.51%, Pb 3.05~3.19%. The 2'nd replicated Gyechukja made using the branch metal left after casting the 1st replica. The 2nd replicated Gyechukja showed the composition range of Cu 87.21~88.09%, Sn 9.06~9.36%, Pb 2.80~3.05%. This result decreases a little contents of Sn and Pb as compared with metal types of the 1st replica. However, it's almost the same as the Eulhaeja's average composition ratio in the National Museum of Korea. As a result of observing the microstructure of restored Gyechukja, it showed the dendrite structure of the typical casting structure and the segregation of Pb. There is no big difference of microstructure between the 1st and the 2nd restored metal types, even though the 2nd restored types partially decreases the eutectoid region in comparison with the 1st types. The systematic and scientific restoration experiment of metal types using Joseon period will be showed the casting method and alloy ratio, and this will be of great help to the study of restoration metal types in the future.

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The Modern Understanding and Misunderstanding about the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple (원각사(圓覺寺)13층탑(層塔)에 대한 근대적 인식과 오해)

  • Nam, Dongsin
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.50-80
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    • 2021
  • This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.