• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.145-166
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• 2016

The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

• KDI북한경제리뷰
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.3-29
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• 2019

• KDI북한경제리뷰
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• v.21 no.8
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• pp.33-48
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• 2019

• 프린팅코리아
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• v.14 no.7
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• pp.94-95
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• 2014

'인쇄인 강은기 평전'은 인쇄인으로서 민주화운동의 숨은 지사로 살다 간 강은기의 삶과 사상을 엮은 책이다. 박정희 유신체제가 서슬 퍼런 시절부터 독재정권의 감시를 피해가며 각종 시국선언문과 화보집, 소식지 등을 도맡아 인쇄했던 인쇄인 강은기의 파란만장한 삶을 담아냈다.

• Proceedings of the Korea Society of Design Studies Conference
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• 2005.05a
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• pp.314-315
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• 2005

• Archives of design research
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• v.19 no.5 s.67
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• pp.139-150
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• 2006

Over the past half the 20th century, Korea has been through the period of three dictatorial regimes. In each regime the orthodox problem was raised due to its undemocratic ruling. Nationalism in particular was perverted by the authoritarian regimes' exploitation of it as a form of cultural policy to control their people effectively. To emphasize it's ideology the government sought, selected and devised cultural heritage and defined it as the 'Korean cultural identity' or 'Koreaness'. Artists have produced works in the 'Korean style' focused on 'Koreaness' which had been prescribed by the government. These works were sewed as a propaganda and contributed to the reproduction of ideology. In addition to the 'Korean-style design' formed in this period, this case includes a wide range of environmental design, public construction, graphic design, public design, films, etc. The Korean-style design has been developed in accordance with each government's cultural policy with a little difference in content and form.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.145
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• pp.271-296
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• 2018

In this article, I intend to reveal critically both the intrinsic crux and main problems of the politics of hostile exclusion based on the effect of labeling which was designed precisely as an impure political technique and has been operated for too long in Korean society by the conservative ruling class that centered on various negative ideological labels like 'pro-North Korean leftist forces.' Firstly, what is called the 'conservative ruling class' in Korean society is in itself an antinationalistic and antidemocratic pro-Japanese dictatorship group. Secondly, the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship group has utilized politically the labeling effect which regards antigovernment Korean members as pro-North Korean or rebellious persons. This group's hostile politics, based on the ideological labelling effect, deprives antigovernment persons and groups of the qualification of Korean citizenship, in order to hold and retain their supreme power in Korean society. Thirdly, the conservative ruling class has attempted to stigmatize the citizens who participate in a movement for democracy as a pro-North Korean leftist force, but such a politically impure manner is typically completely unjustified groundless labeling. Fourthly, the attempt to define the conservative ruling class as a pro-Japanese dictatorship force is normatively justified and resonably appraised insofar as such a definition has been proved to be worthy of confidence. Finally, the trial to consider Roh's regime and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups as a kind of Yeongnam hegemonism by several critical intellectuals and current politicians from Honam region is not only merely a groundless and unconvincing labelling, but also the failed outcome of the attempt to systemize logically their emotional antipathy and repulsion toward Roh and pro-Roh (pro-Moon) groups.

• Trans-
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• v.2
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• pp.39-58
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• 2017

This essay aims to examine Korean motion picture policy on the government censorship system from Jacques Derrida's thought associated with sense of ethics. Korean motion picture policy has focused on protection of domestic films to achieve a national goal from military dictatorship regime, so-called people unification or social stability. It also aimed to spread propaganda for despotic government. Thus, the government keeps tight control over all motion picture policy. It restricts not only freedom of choosing movies but also creativity from artist. Derrida used to talk about the justice and violence law. Derrida's thought is connected with the ethical consideration. This research concerned about the violence within film censorship policy of Korean government and explore possibilities of ethical censorship policy from Derrida's perspectives.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.79-114
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• 2018

In this article I investigate the critical fundamental truth of the practical philosophy of Kim Doo-Huhn who has not become known in our Korean society but should be paid respect at any cost in the history of practical philosophy, and whom we should take the important case of a philosophical lesson, focused on 'the Dialectic of Theory of Value' which makes up an essential framework of his practical philosophy.