• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.79-115
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• 2021

Voters' negative evaluations of government performance lower their trust in government, which functions as the reward and punishment for the government. Trust in government thus serves to promote political accountability of the representative government. However, voters build their confidence toward the party government where the ruling party is responsible for the performance. Considering this partisan nature, we empirically examine that the influence of voters' performance evaluations on governmental trust is conditional on their party identifications. While higher perceptions of political/social conflict and increasing negative evaluations of government policies and economic performance are associated with the lower level of confidence in government, the relationship is contrasted between different party identifiers. For supporters of the ruling party in 2020, the negative evaluations of government performance are not likely to reduce trust in government a lot. On the contrary, those who identify with the main opposition party show the most prominent effect of negative evaluations on their distrust in government. This study demonstrates that trust in government is affected by voters' partisan preferences, not entirely by evaluations of government performance. Such a distortion of the reward and sanction function of governmental trust might lead to the weakening of the accountability mechanism in representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.142-160
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• 2023

The position of the people who participated in the Bapyo Ritual held in the reign of King Sejong and the corresponding costumes were examined. The king, who was the executive body of the ritual, wore Myeon-Bok, a court dress, and Myeon-Bok was Gujang-Bok made of Jang-wha on Guryu-Pyeongcheongwan. Crown princes, royal families, and government officials wore Oryang-Gwan and Jekraeui, which were Jobok. The crown princes' Joboks were changed from Oryang-Gwan to Wukryang-Gwan in the dynasty year 10 of King Sejong, and in the year of King Munjong's accession, Myeon-Bok was received, and after King Danjong, the crown princes wore Palryu-Pyeongcheongwan and Chiljang-Bok. Diplomats and Jongsagwan who were the envoys wore Sangbok. A Sangbok worn by the diplomat was Samo with Danryeong, Seo-Dae, and Hyeopgeum-Hwa, and a Sangbok worn by Jongsagwan was Samo, Danryeong, Heukgak-Dae, and Heukpi-Hwa. Byulgam, who served as an attendant to the king in the king's close quarters, wore Gongbok and Sangbok. Gongbok consisted of Ja-Geon, Danryeong and Heukpi-Hwa, and Sangbok consisted of orange color Cho-Rip, Jikryeong, Joa, and Heukpi-Hwa. The person holding San, Gae , Sujeongjang, and Geumwolbu wore Ja-Geon and Cheong-Ui, and Seon wore Pimoja and Hong-Ui. Siwigun wore armor and helmets equipped with weapons. Among court musicians, Aksa's costumes consisted of Bokdu, Bigongbok, Geumdonghyeokdae, Bibaekdaedae, and Opiri, and Aksaeng's one composed of Gaechaek, Bisuransam, Hyupgo, Mal, Maldae, and Opiri. As a result of the above, the process of ceremonial clothes becoming uniform clothes in the reign of King Sejong was confirmed. The king and lower-ranking officials such as crown princes, government officials, diplomats, Byulgam, armies for ceremonial weaponry, and court musicians participating in the Bapyo Ritual wore the highest grade of ceremonial clothes for each class. King Sejong had repeated discussions to build a nation based on Confucianism, and arranged each rite and corresponding costume, and the Bapyo Ritual costume was also systematically prepared for each position. The ceremonial clothing organized during the reign of King Sejong was regulated in Yejon and became the basis for continuing to the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.28
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• pp.153-179
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• 2011

Korea has been a victim of State supporting terrorism by North Korea even before international society realize the terrorism threats because of 9.11 in US. However, state supporting terrorism against South Korea by North Korea went along with East/West Cold War System by US and the Soviet Union. It is because socialism that Kim Il-sung who established a separate government in North Korea with the political, economic, social and military support of the Soviet Union selected as his political ideology justifies terrorism as the tool to complete the proletariat revolution. North Korea's state supporting terrorism is being operated systematically and efficiently by military of North Korea. It gives big worries to international society not only by performing terrorism against Korea but also by dispatching terrorists and exporting terrorism strategies to the third world countries. In this situation, terrorism against Korea has met a new transition point at 9${\cdot}$11 in US. As South Korea is confronting North Korea and the war has not ended but suspended, the alliance between US and Korea is more important than anything else. Because of this Korea decided to support the anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq of US and other western countries and send military force there. The preface of the anti-terrorism war has begun as such. On October 7, 2001, US and UK started to attack Afghanistan and Taleban government in Afghanistan was dethroned on December 7, 2001. US and western countries started a war against Iraq on March 20, 2003. On April 9, 2003 Baghdad, the capital of Iraq fell, and Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja government was expelled. During the process, the terrorism threat against South Korea has expanded to Arab terrorists and terrorism organizations as well as North Korea. Consequently, although Korean government, scholars and working level public servants made discussions and tried to seek countermeasures, the damages are extending. Accordingly, terrorism against Korean companies in overseas after 9${\cdot}$11 were analyzed focusing on Nation, Region, Victimology, and Weapons used for the attacks. Especially, the trend of terrorism against the Korean companies in overseas was discussed by classifying them chronologically such as initiation and termination of anti-terrorism wars against Afghanistan and Iraq, and from the execution of Iraqi President, Saddam Hussein al-Majid al-Awja to December 2010. Through this, possible terrorism incidents after the execution of Osama bin Laden, the leader of Al-Qaeda, on May 2, 2011 were projected and proposals were made for the countermeasures.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.12
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• pp.149-175
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to understand and analyze the character of Islamic fundamentalism and Middle-Ease Terrorism. The aim of Islamic fundamentalism is reconstruction of Ummah(Muslim Unity), thee early society of Muhammad's age. Islamic movement insist to restore the spirit of Islam and purify the society of Islam from the United State and Western world. Now, Islamic fundamentalism movement as a new ideology, appeals to muslim in the world. The concept of modern national state from the Western countries do not accord with the traditional Islamic principles of reign and a spirit of nationalism. On the other hand, Islamic movement have no legitimacy in the system of modern state which govern the Arab world, regardless of the form of government. For this reasons, Islamic fundamentalist have an insecure position and their political activities. It is yet far from their purpose, to reconstruct the muslim unity, to realize the Islamic political principle close to their practical methods. Yet Islamic fundamental movement have not overcome the system of secular state. The Middle East terrorism supported by government might be eradicated by America's anti-terrorism policy. However, it will be serious and spread all over the world that the terrorist attack against the U. S. and western countries is acted by militant warriors of Islamic fundamentalism, uniting Arab and Islamic people's emotions against America and western countries. There are some reasons that we need to focus on the Arab and Islamic fundamentalism. We need to get out of misunderstanding and discrimination about Islamic religion and culture from America's and Western' standard Which are only their new world order. The discrimination of America and western nations against muslim could make other ideologies, opposite to the world peace. There are a lot of foreign workers from Islam countries in Korea. We need to give consideration and attention to them for the our globalization and world peace. It is time to consider what to do for the nation's profit(economical, political, strategic)with right understanding. We are not safe and free from the terrorism yet.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.24-41
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• 2020

The engraved line expression in metal crafts is a detailed technique of carving or decorating metal surfaces. This technique engraves a line using a tool on the surface of a metal craft. This technique was used extensively in articles made of various metal materials during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the range of patterns that could be expressed and the width of users was wide. In this paper, based on relics and literature, the concept of line representation of this engraving technique used in the metal crafts of the Goryeo Dynasty and the perceptions and terms of the Goryeo Dynasty were examined. In addition, the users engaged in this craft and the specific patterns and patterns of decoration were reviewed. Through these means, it was possible to confirm various aspects of a technique that was thought previously to involve just simple expression of lines using tools. In addition, through the literature, Geumseokmun Gate, and relics currently being transmitted, it was possible to confirm the utilization patterns of techniques used in various types of objects. Various uses have led to the combination with other metal craft techniques that were popular at the time, and while utilizing unique characteristics of the techniques, this maximized the molding of various patterns. In the meantime, it is true that the intaglio technique in metal crafts has not received much attention compared to the decoration techniques of other metal crafts, such as inlay, embossing, and openwork techniques in which decorative effects are maximized due to the recognition that the technique was used so widely in relics. However, the universality of the technique is premised on its wide use across all eras. As such, it was used in metal craft relics that reflect the various cultural characteristics of Korea and various cultural aspects that are currently passed down. On the one hand, technology has been passed down as a form of intangible heritage that embodies a longstanding craft culture which continues to the present in the fields of sculpture and intangible cultural properties. As such, the universality of Seongak contains many cultural meanings. In addition, the uniqueness of the technique is distinct, and it is deeply related to Goryeo, who was in charge of the use of technology and craftsmanship of the Joseon Dynasty and the metal craft technology that is currently handed down. I think research on future techniques should be continued in depth.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.163-186
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to analyze the institutional conditions and problems for the transition to the North Korean economic system. As a research method, we first analyzed the legislative processes of 4th stage market reform policies (liberalization, privatization, privatization, and corporation) by major economic transition countries. And we found out the difference with North Korea. Based on this, it analyzed the process of institutionalization of North Korea's 4th stage economic reform policies (7.1 measures, comprehensive market policies, Currency reform, 6.28 policy). According to research, There are three important conditions that can not compare the changes of the North Korean market economy with those of the transition economies. First, the internal and external conditions and environment for the transition of the economic system and the role of the state and civil society are very different. Second, the means and objectives of the policy decision process and the implementation process are different. Third, it differs absolutely in terms of the nature and effectiveness of the nation's political and economic policies. Fourth, the priority, contents, and legislation process of economic policies for economic reform differ considerably from those of North Korea. Especially, when discussing the possibility of transition to the 'Chinese model', it is accompanied a considerable risk. It is because the purpose of market entry of control power in North Korea and their survival network are quite unique. In addition, China's domestic market size, population size, and type of control are quite different from North Korea. A necessary and sufficient condition for the transition of the North Korean economic system is the relaxation of physical control mechanisms and institutions in the market area. Next, it is necessary to make a legitimate institutionalization as well as an entire survey on the illegal ownership market. Based on this, it is necessary to gradually change the dependence of the domestic market on China to South Korea. In other words, this is a paradigm shift in the semi-controlled power exclusion, post-automation and domestic market.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.37-74
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• 2016

Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.191-213
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• 2022

With a view to providing a high-quality policy information service beyond the existing national task service of the national policy information portal (POINT) of the National Library of Korea Sejong, it would be necessary to effectively provide the policy data needed for the implementation of the new national tasks. Accordingly, in this study, an attempt has been made to find a way to connect and develop the BRM-based national tasks and the policy information contents. Towards this end, first, the types of national tasks and the contents of each field and area of the government function's classification system were analyzed, with a focus placed on the 120 national tasks of the new administration. Furthermore, by comparing and analyzing the national tasks of the previous administration and the current information, the contents ought to be reflected for the development of contents related to the national tasks identified. Second, the method for linking and collecting the policy information was sought based on the analysis of the current status of policy information and the national information portal. As a result of the study, first, examining the 1st stage BRM of the national tasks, it turned out that there were 21 tasks for social welfare, 14 for unification and diplomacy, 17 for small and medium-sized businesses in industry and trade, 12 for general public administration, 8 for the economy, taxation and finance, 6 for culture, sports and tourism, science and technology, and education each, 5 for communication, public order and safety each, 4 for health, transportation and logistics, and environment each, 3 for agriculture and forestry, 2 for national defense and regional development each, and 1 for maritime and fisheries each, among others. As for the new administration, it is apparent that science technology and IT are important, and hence, it is necessary to consider such when developing the information services for the core national tasks. Second, to link the database with external organizations, it would be necessary to form a linked operation council, link and collect the information on the national tasks, and link and provide the national task-related information for the POINTs.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.175-181
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• 2024

The U.N. Security Council's North Korea Sanctions Committee estimated that the amount of North Korea's cyberattacks on virtual asset-related companies from 2017 to 2023 was about 4 trillion won. North Korea's cyberattacks have secured funds through cryptocurrency hacking as it has been restricted from securing foreign currency due to economic sanctions by the international community, and it also shows the form of technology theft against defense companies, and illegal assets are being used to maintain the Kim Jong-un regime and develop nuclear and missile development. When North Korea conducted its sixth nuclear test on September 3, 2017, and declared the completion of its national nuclear armament following the launch of an intercontinental ballistic missile on November 29 of the same year, the U.N. imposed sanctions on North Korea, which are considered the strongest economic sanctions in history. In these difficult economic situations, North Korea tried to overcome the crisis through cyberattacks, but as a result of analyzing the changes through the North's cyber attack cases, the strategic goal from the first period from 2009 to 2016 was to verify and show off North Korea's cyber capabilities through the neutralization of the national network and the takeover of information, and was seen as an intention to create social chaos in South Korea. When foreign currency earnings were limited due to sanctions against North Korea in 2016, the second stage seized virtual currency and secured funds to maintain the Kim Jong-un regime and advance nuclear and missile development. The third stage is a technology hacking of domestic and foreign defense companies, focusing on taking over key technologies to achieve the five strategic weapons tasks proposed by Chairman Kim Jong-un at the 8th Party Congress in 2021. At the national level, security measures for private companies as well as state agencies should be established against North Korea's cyberattacks, and measures for legal systems, technical problems, and budgets related to science are urgently needed. It is also necessary to establish a system and manpower to respond to the ever-developing cyberattacks by focusing on cultivating and securing professional manpower such as white hackers.