• 대학교육
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• s.26
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• pp.26-33
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• 1987

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.155-184
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• 2017

ASEAN marking its 50th anniversary in 2017 draws hopes and concerns. There is hope for the full realization of the vision of ASEAN Community since 2015 while there are increasing concerns about the changing internal and external environments. This article reviews the process of ASEAN's community building and its external relations. First, after reviewing institutionalization and functional cooperation in 2016, it argues that there is increasing pressure for the modification of the 'ASEAN Way' mainly due to the recent political changes in some ASEAN member states. Second, this article considers the nature of ASEAN's external relation focusing on continuity rather than change. The tendency of external relations of ASEAN appears to be 'avoiding conflict' and 'status quo' while it concentrates on development cooperation. We argue that such attitude contributes to the unity of ASEAN as it is useful in searching for regional resilience which is a common goal of ASEAN power elites.

• The Korean Journal of Financial Management
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.261-281
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• 1999

본 연구는 우리나라를 비롯한 미국, 영국, 독일, 일본시장을 대상으로 환율과 주가의 선후행 결합관계를 검정해 보고 선행변수가 원인변수가 될 수 있는가에 대한 인과관계를 검정해 보고자 시도되었다. 이를 위해서 1980년부터 1997년까지를 분석기간으로 교차상관관계검정과 인과 관계검정을 시도해 보았다. 우선 AIC에 따른 최적시차를 대상으로 교차상관관계에 대한 Ljung-Box Q 통계량 검정을 실시한 결과 한국, 영국, 독일의 경우에는 환율이 주가에 선행결합하는 것으로 나타났으나 미국, 일본은 유의적인 관계가 도출되지 않았다. 또한 안정적 시계열자료를 대상으로 Granger, Sims, Geweke-Meese-Dent 모형에 따라 인과관계를 검정해 본 결과에서는 한국, 영국, 독일의 경우에는 환율변동률이 주식수익률에 대한 일방적 원인변수로 나타났다. 이를 환율변동의 크기에 따라 루브르 협정 이전과 이후로 구분해서 검정해 본 결과 환율변동이 매우 심했던 협정 이전 기간에는 한국과 영국의 일부 모형에서만 환율변수가 유의적인 원인변수로 작용하였지만 환율변동이 작았던 협정 이후 기간에는 한국, 영국, 독일을 대상으로 모든 검정모형에서 유의적인 인과관계가 나타났다. 반면에 미국, 일본의 경우에는 분석기간 전체뿐만 아니라 루브르 협정 이전과 이후를 구분하더라도 유의적인 인과관계가 나타나지 않았다. 이는 미국, 일본의 대외무역의존도가 20%대 수준에 머물고 있어서 상대적으로 40%대 이상의 대외무역의존도를 기록하고 있는 한국, 영국, 독일과는 다른 결과가 도출된 것이라고 볼 수 있다. 따라서 대외무역의존도가 높은 한국, 영국, 독일에서는 환율이 주가에 비해 선행하여 변동한다고 볼 수 있다.

• Defense and Technology
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• no.7 s.209
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• pp.12-17
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• 1996

중국은 탈냉전 시기에 효과적인 국가안보를 위한 군사상 비장의 카드로 값싸고, 손쉬운 핵병기의 현대화를 추진하고 있다. 중국은 이러한 핵전력의 강화를 통한 지역 대국으로서의 국가적 위신을 보존하고자 하려는 것 같다. 또한 중국이 국제여론에 역행하는 핵실험을 강행하는 것은 중국이 핵실험 이슈를 대외관계에 있어서 하나의 정치적 카드로 사용하고자 하는 의도와 관련 있어 보인다

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.31
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• pp.9-49
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• 2005

This research analyzes contents of international news in the North Korean newspapers to examine the relationships between foreign policy of the labor party and propaganda of foreign affairs. The results show that international news of the Rodong shinmun and Minjoo Chosun as the ideological apparatus reflects the recent changes of foreign policy of the Kim Jung-Il regime, aiming at the successful control and mobilization of the people. However, the coverage difference between two newspapers has not been found, which means that the press control of the state is routinized. The relationships between political power and the press in North Korea has been discussed from the perspective of international communication.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.

• Journal of Technology Innovation
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.199-228
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• 2013

Globalization has been accelerated in today's business environment. In this situation, the opening of economies can be either an opportunity or a treat for small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) who have limited resources. Especially, managerial perception to the opening of economies carries on significant meaning because managerial perception determines future responses and strategies. Therefore, this study examined which innovation activities are related with SMEs' positive perception to the opening of economies. The activities of innovation are classified by types of generic strategy. Also, this study scrutinized the moderating effects of external search strategy and market entry strategy. In order to test hypotheses, this study analyzed data on Korean manufacturing firms collected in the Korean Innovation Survey (KIS). As a result, SMEs conducting innovation for differentiation strategy perceived the opening of economies positively. Search breadth and search depth moderated this relationship negatively and the first entry strategy moderated this relationship positively.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.789-812
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• 2009

This paper aims to analyse the historical-cultural sources of Azerbaijani national identity through the aspects of the Persian, the Turkish and the Russian influences, and to illuminate its complex characteristics. Then it will be examined the impact and consequences that the Azerbaijani identity exerted on its foreign policy. In the modern world, identities are formed and represented within a variety of shifting social, political, economic, cultural, and discursive contexts. Such understandings can have exclusionary consequences, particularly in pluralistic environments. Since its independence, the PFA government resorted to the arguments of ethnic origin and Azerbaijan's Turkishness to achieve its goals. Domestically, the failure of the ethnicity-based foreign policy was so great that even Azerbaijani Kurds, who under the Soviets had been virtually absorbed into the Azeri population, felt alienated and betrayed. Internationally, Azerbaijan turned Russia and Iran against itself and reduced bargaining power of Turkey since the latter grew increasingly concerned not to exacerbate its relations with Russia.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.31-60
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• 2011

Medvedev administration has adopted new foreign policy line because of Obama administration's 'Reset' policy and Global economic crisis. The objectives of Medvedev's new foreign policy are the creation of a favorable external environment and the efficient use of external resources for Russia's economic modernization. To achieve these goals, Medvedev's government fleshed out such specific action plans as the avoidance of conflicts with other powers, the prevention of conflicts around Russia's borders, the activation of capital investment, and the introduction of advanced technology from the outside. This foreign policy line takes shape in the building of a foundation for strategic cooperation with the United States, the preparation for 'Modernization Alliance' with Europe, the management of cooperation and conflict with China and Japan, and the introduction of a dual strategy of strategic stability and economic integration in relations with post-soviet states. In Russia's new foreign policy line the strengthening of relations with the United States and Europe acquires highest priority. However, this does not mean a return to a 'pro-Western liberal line' in the early 1990s. The ultimate goal of Russia's 'modernization' program still lies in the rebuilding of a powerful Russia in accordance with the multipolar world order that was Putin administration's foreign policy line. In this context, foreign policy change under Medvedev administration could be defined as a 'program change at international level' that signifies a change in the means to achieve goals without changing them.

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.245
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• pp.12-12
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• 1998

통일시대를 앞두고 우선 남북한 경제원리의 가장 큰 차이인 '계획'과 '시장'의 관계를 생각해 볼 수 있다. 또한 남한의 대외지향적 수출주도 전략과 북한의 내부 동원적 수입대체 전략의 평가도 고려해야 한다. 통일시대가 되면서 남북한은 세계시장에서 더욱 협조적인 관계를 정립하는 것잉 과제로 제기되고 있다.