• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-160
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• 2018

This study aims to predict the likely effect of economic sanctions on North Korea by examining case studies of Iran and Iraq. While UN sanctions against Iraq had immediate negative consequences for society, such as causing famine and reinforcing the authoritarian regime, sanctions against Iran had some productive consequences after they were reinforced by the U.S. and EU in significantly reduced oil exports and government expenditure, which in turn led to regime change and willingness to negotiate nuclear programs for economic recovery. Apart from these distinct differences, sanctions in both countries caused high inflation, shortage of necessary supplies, and increased unemployment. Case studies of Iran and Iraq also reveal that the sanctions disproportionately affected women and children, which implies that the recently reinforced economic sanctions of the U.S. and China against North Korea will cause more suffering of similarly socially marginalized groups in North Korea.

• Korea and Global Affairs
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.69-92
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• 2018

North Korea conducted a total of six nuclear tests from the 1st test of 2006 to September, 2017. North Korea developed an armed forces security strategy at the level of regime protection and defense to respond to U.S. hostile policy. However, it is certain that strategic goals of North Korea's nuclear test were to overcome a crisis in North Korea's regime through US-North Korea negotiation and complete nuclear armed forces for socialist unification on the Korean Peninsula. North Korea's continuous nuclear test is a direct factor in threatening peace on the Korean Peninsula and an indirect factor in security dynamics of Northeast Asia. The U.N. Security Council has enforced sanctions against North Korea through six resolutions against North Korea's reckless nuclear test for the past 10 years. However, Kim Jong-Un's regime is in a position to stick to simultaneous pursuit of nuclear and economic development in spite of anti-North sanction of international society including U.N. and U.S.A. It is understood that North Korea was stimulated to conduct intense nuclear test as U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction was not effective on North Korea. Full-scale and local wars are expected as military options, one of anti-North sanctions of the Trump administration. The Trump administration has attempted diplomatic pressure strategy as a secondary boycott unlike previous administrations. Nevertheless, North Korea has stood against U.N. and U.S.A's anti-North sanction with brinkmanship tactics, announcing full-scale military confrontation against U.S. It is judged that North Korea will pursue simultaneous nuclear weapons and economic development in terms of regime survival. North Korea will have less strategic choices in that its regime may collapse because of realistic national strategy between U.S.A. and China.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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• v.35 no.1
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• pp.1-32
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• 2013

Economic sanctions and inducements are types of 'policy instruments' based on 'economic tools' to influence other international actors. Ongoing debates on sanctions and inducements have exposed drawbacks for relying on individual case studies. There are some studies in the literature that attempt theoretical analysis of sanctions and inducements, but they are mostly based on rational choice theory. In reality, however, there exist so many cases that cannot be explained by rational choice theory. These are called anomalies or exceptions. The literature introduces specific variables to interpret these anomalies and thus sacrifice the universality of the theory. From this point of view, prospect theory would present an effective tool to analyze economic sanctions and inducements. It is a behavioral economic theory that tries to model a decisions making process in reality. The theory says that people make decisions based on subjective value of losses and gains from an individual reference point, and that people evaluate these losses and gains using heuristics. Thus prospect theory could offer a different frame which has greater explanatory range without adding new variables. As a result of this study, target's losses of 'back down' towards economic sanctions loom larger when the reference point level increases, therefore, the effectiveness of sanctions decreases. However, target's losses of 'stand firm' towards economic inducements loom larger under the same condition of reference point, therefore, the effectiveness of inducements increases. The findings of the paper suggest meaningful implications to the economic policy towards North Korea.

• Journal of National Security and Military Science
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• s.3
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• pp.169-196
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• 2005

The point of Bush administraion’s foreign policy is to support the promotion and stability of Democracy in Iraq and counter terrorism and spread of WMD with his strong propulsive force caused by his reelection. In such an environment, there are his leadership, his team, himself, Kim Jung Il, and a new understanding of North Korea after September 11 as the effective factors of Bush administration’s policy toward Pyongyang. Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea also shows the process of North Korea’s nuclear weapon program and the future scenario of the Korean Peninsula with "the persistence of solving North Korea’s nuclear weapon program such as the method having done in Lybia", "the holding unconditional talks with Pyongyang, and "the continual concerns with human rights in North Korea." The purpose of Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea is to make North Korea do not support terrorism rather than remove the nuclear weapon in North Korea. The process of outlining South Korea’s policy toward North Korea must be considered for "national interest" with reasonable analyses not just hopes For this, South Korea must access systematically human rights of North Korea, prepare projects for a daring approach on North Korea, and strengthen South Korea’s defense ability toward North Korea with deep alliance with U.S and systematize the mutual understanding channel between U.S and South Korea. In conclusion, South Korea must try to get specific methods and practices about Bush administration’s foreign policy of North Korea with national wisdom

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.167-178
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• 2021

The purpose of this study is to analyze the direct investment decision factors in the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Vietnam, and to contribute to the creation of domestic jobs and the revitalization of the inter-Korean economy. According to the analysis, most of the Kaesong Industrial Complex and Vietnamese investment companies are entering the complex for the purpose of utilizing cheap labor, cheap factory locations, sales/development of local markets, and bypass export production bases in third countries. This can be divided into production-efficient investors using differences in production price such as labor costs and market-oriented investors to sell and expand the local market, which seems to be consistent with global direct investment patterns such as Nike, Apple, and Amazon. However, even if the North Korea-U.S. denuclearization talks ease or lift sanctions, Vietnamese investors' willingness to invest in the North Korea has been most burdened by the possibility of closing special economic zones due to political risks. Last but not least, it is important to note that those willing to invest in North Korea are mostly smaller enterprises in textiles, sewing, footwear and leather industries-those that benefit from low-cost labor. Since their size is small, they need policy support in financing, especially in the early stages of their business. Even after they grow past the early stages, those without collateral would still need state guarantee letters to get financing. Thus, it is worth considering to use the Inter-Korean Cooperation Fund to compensate commercial banks for bad loan loss or for low-interest loans for smaller SMEs. The interviews with SMEs found that red-tape is one of the biggest difficulties they face. Thus, it is recommended that a one-stop service agency should be established to cover all processes and issues related to inter-Korean economic cooperation to eliminate redundancy and expediate government support for SMEs.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.329-361
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• 2006

This study focuses those periods of Kim Young-Sam and Kim Dae-Jung administration. This study tries to analyze any change in terms of ideological tendency and report attitude on the assessment of the government policy in the Korean newspapers from Kim Young-Sam to Kim Dae-Jung administration. Although these two civilian regimes were born after long periods of military dictatorship, there are many distinguished differences dividing these two. Kim Young-Sam could succeed through joining with the establishment of the power, while Kim Dae-Jung was elected as President through the horizontal shift of the power, opposition party becoming ruling party. Their power base was different. Another big difference is their North Korea policy. Kim Young-Sam administration's policy was conservative, while Kim Dae-Jung administration's policy was liberal. This study selected four Korean newspapers that represent each aspect of ideological spectrum in Korean media, and focused on the editorials of each paper as major analysis base. The four papers are Dong-a Ilbo, Chosun Ilbo, JoongAng Ilbo, and Hankyoreh. The study concludes that in terms of the report attitude on the assessment of the government policy, Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng were more critical under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. And Hankyoreh became more supportive of Kim Dae-Jung policy. In terms of the ideological tendency, four newspapers altogether did not change their ideological color regardless of the change in the administration. However conservative color became thinner( Dong-a, Chosun, JoongAng) and liberal color became thicker(Hankyoreh) a little under Kim Dae-Jung administration than Kim Young-Sam administration. Each newspaper tried to show their ideological tendency clearly in order to influence on government policy.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.106 no.4
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• pp.487-496
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• 2017

The marketization in North Korea is spreading rapidly. This study proposes forest rehabilitation strategy for North Korea in light of their major shift toward market economy. This current trend of marketization in North Korea is now affecting the forest sector, especially the way the residents utilize small forest land. For analyzing the influence of marketization on forest management in North Korea, we reviewed the official documents issued by North Korea and related materials of North Korean marketization. The government of Kim Jong Eun has set up policies and systems regarding the spread of marketization, such as guaranteeing individuals a right to dispose certain products on their own and establishing a special economic zone to attract foreign investments. In the forestry sector, the North Korean government has been trying to fully implement its forest restoration plan by carrying out measures like re-claiming of sloping lands that had been previously used by residents. However, as marketization progresses, it is expected that there lies much difficulty in government-led massive mobilization for forest restoration due to the increase of illegal logging to meet high demand for timber, illegal firewood harvesting, collecting non-timber products for livelihoods and illegal crop cultivation to sell in the market. Therefore, South Korea's support for forest restoration should also consider the recent marketization phenomenon in North Korea. It is necessary to formulate strategic measures such as conducting joint commercialization project on agroforestry management using cooperative farming unit, helping to improve income source from small forest lands, and to activate a comprehensive mountain village special economic zone by utilizing forest business. We do hope that our proposed forest rehabilitation strategy in this paper regarding the changes in North Korea's marketization and forest policy can give a meaningful suggestion on supporting forest restoration in North Korea in an effective way.

• 한국신재생에너지학회:학술대회논문집
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• 2007.11a
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• pp.687-689
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• 2007

점차 심화되고 있는 북한의 에너지 위기는 북한 사회이 경제적 측면뿐만 아니라 사회 및 정치, 나아가서는 국제 사회에서의 북한의 외교정책에까지 영향을 미치는 것은 물론 남한의 군사적, 정치적 위협 요인이 되고 있다. 북한의 에너지난 타개를 위해 여러 회담의 주요 사안으로 에너지 지원을 요구하고 있으며, 내부적으로는 에너지 공급 제한 등의 정책을 시행하고 있으나 이는 미봉책에 불과하다. KEDO 중단으로 북한의 장기적 에너지 지원 노력이 중단되었으며, 중유 지원 등의 방식은 일시적인 수준에서 그치게 될 것 이다. 본 연구에서는 북한의 에너지난을 타개하고 이를 통하여 사회 경제 전반의 안정화에 기여할 수 있는 대북 에너지 지원 방안을 모색하고자 한다.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.63-82
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• 2011

한국사회 이념갈등을 다룬 대부분의 연구들은 이념갈등의 본질은 대북문제에 있으며, 이를 제외한 다른 정치사회적 이슈들에 대해서는 진보와 보수 간의 유의미한 차이가 없다고 밝히고 있다. 그러나 우리사회 현실을 볼 때 진보와 보수세력은 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등의 대부분의 이슈에 이해 첨예한 대립 관계를 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 이에 대한 해답을 찾고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 이념측정의 방법과 분석틀에 있어 새로운 방법론을 제시한다. 우선 본 연구에서는 자기평가적 주관적 이념성향 대신 인간의 본성과 도덕성에 대한 태도, 사회개혁과 사회권위에 대한 입장 등으로 구성된 이념성향을 측정하였다. 또한 정책에 대한 입장이 개인의 이념성향을 결정하는 것이 아니라, 이념성향이 먼저 결정되며, 거기에 따라 정책에 대한 개인의 인식이나 입장이 나타나는 것이 논리적으로 타당하다고 본다.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.101-106
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• 2015

In order to minimize regional disparities between the North and the South, it is very important to reduce shortages of food and energy in North Korea in the short and mid-term. In the long term, it is important to reduce not only regional disparities between two Koreas but also regional disparities in North Korea. It is important to consider national policies of the North, the South and other countries in Northeast Asia in the process of building regional development policies for North Korea because the future of regional development in North Korea depends on policies of stakeholder in Northeast Asia. This study suggest some policy directions for regional development in North Korea. At first, building new industries, such as hi-tech industries and MICE, is important for regional development potentials in North Korea. Also, we should take some special development strategies according to regional potentials in North Korea. For example, Nampo region should be specialized through hi-tech industries. Wonsan region should be specialized through MICE. Finally, this study suggests some policy issues to the South Korean government. Financial support from South Korean government about inter-Korean economic cooperation should have priorities on the regions where have potentials of hi-tech industries and MICE. Also, we should implement inter-Korean economic cooperation policies under consideration about spatial aspects.