• Informatization Policy
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.43-63
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• 2016

This research analyzes the international standardization process by observing the international communication sources in order to understand the reason of its current poor use. Using the 'organizing theory' frame, we observe the initial discourse on the need of internationalized domain names in ICANN and the process of negotiation for technical choice of layers. Lastly, we take Korean domain names as a case study in order to understand the conflict and the cooperation of different stakeholders. We summarize the factors of failure of IDN as follows. First, the need of IDN in the beginning was raised around non-English speaking countries, in Asia and Middle East, with the discourse on 'digital divide solution and cultural value' ICANN rather pursues the 'technical stability of Internet Infrastructure', which made its standardization take as long as 10 years. As a result, a variety of standards and services are proposed in the marketplace, which engendered inefficient competition and domain name-related disputes such as cybersquatting, technical instability and confusion of users. In addition, the government agencies fail to present the appropriate policies adjusting multiple interests of different stakeholders.

• Journal of Korea Technology Innovation Society
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.837-857
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• 2017

This paper examines the gap between the theoretical premises of, and the ways that public deliberative approaches to decision-making function in application to a specific instance of technological risk policy. An interrogation of a UK nationwide public deliberation case-the CoRWM program (Committee on Radioactive Waste Management)-a real-world instance of public deliberation illuminates some significant contrasts in the ways that public deliberation takes place to those characterized in theory. A public-engaged deliberation on radioactive waste management in reality does not emerge as rational reasoning for the common good. Instead, it was rather a complex mix of various forms of material, social and political interactions, and relationships.

• Information Systems Review
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.169-182
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• 2003

The growth of electronic commerce make business to business electronic commerce market grow dramatically due to dramatic decrease of transaction cost and increase of productivity. It also influences the way of building transaction relationship between buyers and suppliers. This study tends to prove electronic market theory for Internet based 13213 commerce. We observe and analyze the implementation and usage patterns of procurement system of I company. The result shows that even through Internet enable many buyers and suppliers to participate and transact each other, the transaction pattern is different according to asset specificity and uncertainty as follows. First, with adoption of internet, the product with the higher asset specificity rather than lower asset specificity can be easily purchased. Second, Internet doesn't make any significant influence on the transaction of the product with higher uncertainty. But, organization's pre-audit process can indirectly influence on the decrease of the transaction uncertainty.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.507-516
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• 1999

More than twenty-five major international bodies of water bear the names of particular nations or states. Many of these are not names are widely accepted, but considerable disagreement has developed in some cases. A systematic examination of the level of conflict over the use of national names for international bodies of water indicates that conflict is most likely to develop where shifting power relations among interested states produce concern about the hegemonic ambitions of the state after which the body of water is named. This is the case in the three situations where considerable contention exists over the use of a national name for an international body of water: the Persian Gulf/Arabian Sea, the Sea of Japan/East Sea, and the South China SealBien Dong. Cases evidencing little contention are those where either no state has a significant interest in the naming issue, or where the name that is attached to the body of water is that of a state that has not been a historic threat to others in the region. Naming international bodies of water after nations or states is potentially problematic because such appellations can connote ownership or control by a single people or political entity. An understanding of the controversies surrounding these place names requires consideration of the geopolitical context in which they are embedded.

• Environmental and Resource Economics Review
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• v.23 no.4
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• pp.643-665
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• 2014

We study the optimal policy of the contracual arrangement in raising the debt-to-equity ratio for oil, gas and mining project finance deals. We investigate the impact of the optimal contractual relationship between counterparties on the soundness of projects, differing in output price volatility and country risk. Key findings are: first, the existence of EPC sponsors and off-takers generally raises the debt-to-equity ratio. In particular, EPC sponsors and off-taking sponsors jointly mitigate the credit risk caused by counntry risk. Seocond, off-taking and EPC contracts jointly help mitigate the credit risk caused by the country risk, rather than the price volatility. Indeed, the contractual structure raises the debt-to-equity ratio.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.25
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• pp.103-133
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• 2004

Korean citizens enjoy not only the freedom of communication but also the secrecy of electronic communication. Article 18 of the Constitution of the Republic of Korea prescribes that the secrecy of correspondence should not be infringed. Namely, all citizens enjoy guaranteed privacy of correspondence. But many people have been experiencing the infringement of those rights. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate whether Paragraph 2, Article 13 of the Act on Protection of the Secrecy of Correspondence infringes on the constitutional rights of privacy of electronic communication. The results of this study indicate that the law violates the Constitution. Paragraph 3, Article 12 (Personal Liberty, Personal Integrity) of the constitution stipulates that "Warrants issued by a judge through due process (upon the request of a prosecutor) have to be presented in case of arrest, detention, seizure, or search." However, prosecutors, the police, and National Intelligence Service have made numerous inquiries calling for the journalists' telephone records without warrants issued by a judge. So, this study suggests that the paragraph should be amended to be compatible with the Constitution. Meanwhile, journalists should make a more concerted effort to protect their news sources in exercising constitutionally protected freedom of the press.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.185-212
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• 2017

The National League for Democracy (NLD) has restored a civilian government since the military had taken political power in 1962 as a result of general elections on 7, November 2015. But Daw Aung San Suu Kyi could not take part in the presidential election due to some restraints in constitution, so new government created the state counsellor position and the ministry of sate counsellor's office against military's resistance. It never publicized whether the military has to back to barracks including abolish of military's occupying the parliament seats. The ruling party is still taking laissez-faire to the military's political and economic role. The National level Ceasefire Agreement called the 21st Panglong conference launched in the end of August for a week, but stakeholders only insisted their demands. Rohingya issue is not involved in the 21st Panglong conference which aims to achieve national unity. The U.S. fully lifted a comprehensive sanction toward Myanmar since 1993, Japan promised huge grant assistance succeeding the former quasi civilian government. China strived to restore alienated relations of two countries. Although Korea kept Official Development Assistance, the summit which was planed two times in 2016 did not hold. The civilian government announced twelve points of developmental agenda in July 2016, instead of destroying the national development policy of the Thein Sein government. This agenda only showed the direction of policy not road map which was the same trend of the former government. The main direction of economic development stressed agriculture but manufacture like light industry was ignored.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.213-261
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• 2018

On May 9, 2018, regime change took place in Malaysia. It was the first regime change that took place in 61 years after independence in 1957. The regime change was an unexpected result not only in Malaysian experts but also in political circles. Moreover, the outcome of the election was more shocking because the opposition party was divided in this general election. The regime change in Malaysia was enough to attract worldwide attention because it meant the collapse of the oldest regime in the modern political system that exists, except North Korea and China. How could this have happened? In particular, how could the regime change, which had not been accomplished despite opposition parties' cooperation for almost 20 years, could be achieved with the divided opposition forces? What political implications does the 2018 general election result have for political change and democratization in Malaysia? How will the Malaysian politics be developed in the aftermath of the regime change? It is worth noting that during the process of finding answers, a series of general elections since the start of reformasi in 1998 tended to be likened to a series of "tsunami" in the Malaysian electoral history. This phenomenon of tsunami means that, even though very few predicted the possibility of regime change among academia, civil society and political circles, the regime change was not sudden. In other words, the regime in 2018 was the result of the desire and expectation of political change through a series of elections of Malaysian voters last 20 years. In this context, this study, in analyzing the results of the election in 2018, shows that the activation of electoral politics triggered by the reform movement in 1998, along with the specific situational factors in 2018, could lead to collapse of the ruling government for the first time since independence.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.41
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• pp.33-56
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• 2015

Trauma studies have provided useful models for dealing with the catastrophic and disastrous events that an individual and collective group experience. Most important of all, the perspective of post-structuralist trauma study, including Cathy Caruth, became a paradigmatic model and it has been applied to almost all contexts of life. The perspective of this study model, which is called an "event-based model of trauma," focuses on the literal registration of the traumatic event and the accurate and immediate recall of the past. The person directly involved in the event becomes the passive bearer transmitting the truth of a traumatic event. From this perspective, the traumatic subject only undergoes and endures the event and cannot play an active role in constructing trauma and dealing with it. Eventually, the truth of trauma has to be obtained at the cost of the traumatic subject's autonomy and the possibility of his/her agency. The problem here is that the truth, which is reencountered through the literal return of the past, obtained at the cost of the subject's autonomy, strikes a rather fatal blow to the person, than gives help for resolving many of matters surrounding traumatic experience and curing trauma. This suggests that the active way of dealing with trauma on the part of the traumatic subject, rather than the traumatic event itself, is demanded. Furthermore, because more recently, images of disastrous events were viewed "live" by audiences and an immediacy to the event is replicated in public discourse about them, the event becomes more immediately traumatic and there is a more strong presumption that people regard themselves as traumatic victims than before. This is the reason that we must explore an active way dealing with trauma on more human position at this time. This essay aims to examine the limits of the paradigmatic model of trauma study, an "event-based model of trauma," critically through a literary, theoretical text in which it reveals how the literal return of the traumatic past have a fatal effect on the victim; and hopes to suggest "the narrative memory" as a way to deal with trauma from a more humanistic perspective.

• Journal of Environmental Impact Assessment
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• v.29 no.5
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• pp.363-376
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• 2020

Various policies and institutional efforts are being made for mature democracy and more sustainable administration of our society. In this respect, the importance of civic participation, considered essential in environmental impact assessment, has been consistently emphasized in the relevant theories and practices. Although various methods and forms of public participation are taking place in Korea, criticism is widely understood that collecting citizens' opinions in the decision-making process has become ineffective and formal. Starting from these issues, this paper seeks to learn lessons from the foreign cases in the international context. Extensive literature review was conducted to examine the meaning and objectives of public participation in EIA and the tactical principles. Based on this, the participatory systems and procedures in the United States, Britain, Germany, Japan, and Canada were critically reviewed, and the implications were derived through specific cases. The results are, first, the provision of specific public participation guidelines, second, the securing of transparency in the decision-making process, third, the expansion of procedural participation levels, and lastly, the guarantee of participation opportunities. This paper is meaningful as a basic study to enrich discussions on public participation in the domestic EIA hoping to help research through more diverse empirical cases in the future.