• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.71
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• pp.147-180
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• 2018

Seokjeong JEONG-JIK LEE is a scholar who tried to render a form of service for his country by writing works of literature during the crisis of the Period of Modern Enlightenment. He mainly expressed his perception of reality through an evaluation of historical figures. He left behind a text on the Analects of Confucius, which is known as the '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius', in his posthumous work. It seems that he wrote it to be used as lecture material for his students. The purpose of this thesis is to analyze his recognition to the Analects of Confucius and its learning direction expressed in the writing '10 questions and answers regarding the Analects of Confucius'. With respect to the word ren(仁), which is the most fundamental concept of the Analects, he viewed his life in an introspective way from the standpoint of a 'Hoinyupe(好仁有蔽)', which means that if you like kindness and fairness but don't like learning it, then there will be negative effects, and through the 'Gwangwajiin(觀過知仁)', which means that you will know for sure kindness and fairness when you observe wrongdoing, not the general viewpoint of 'Humaneness or Love'. He tried to determine the meaning of ren, and virtue(德) through a common denominator from an overall point of view. It might have been a reflection of his thoughts that a sound comprehension of powerful countries was needed. In terms of relationship between Gunja(君子) and Myeong(命), Gunja needs to make constant efforts to understand Myeong as a talented person who can maintain order. The direction of learning was examined under three categories: Jongipjibang (從入之方), Gunjajiryu(君子之類), and Sumunihae(隨文而解). Jongipjibang is defined as a way to complement the weaknesses of leaners according to their characteristics and it promotes a focus on pushing ethics into practice rather than acquiring knowledge as it is today. Gunja was classified into 3 stages. However, it merely provides standards to help learners' understandings, so not all students may fall into these stages. Sumunihae gives explanations of commentaries on the book. Seokjeong remarked that the meaning was not different even if the same concept was annotated differently in the "Four Books". This is because the context was emphasized according to the principle of 'Sosisojeol Pilchakpilseom (所始所切, 必着必贍)'.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.44 no.2
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• pp.96-107
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• 2016

This study is an attempt to trace the origins of Korean botanical gardens prior to the construction of the botanical garden in Changgyeonggung Palace. We trace the time period during which Korean intellectuals first understood and appropriated botanical gardens based on accounts found in travel journals. These were written by members of delegations sent to Japan, Russia, and Great Britain and by students who had studied abroad, such as Tchi-Ho Yun and Kil-Chun Yu, during the open port period from 1876 to 1910. This study shows that the term "botanical garden" did not appear in any of the travel journals and the delegations did not show much interest in them until the 1880s. Japan had planned to introduce the different types of botanical gardens to the delegations from the Joseon Dynasty, but the delegations left no official records or related accounts regarding their visits. In contrast, members of delegations who were sent to Russia, Europe, and America after the 1890s began to pay attention to botanical gardens. They considered botanical gardens as a representative and essential part of Western culture and attempted to introduce them in Korea as essential tools for academic development as well as for enlightenment. Although many Korean intellectuals' opinions about the necessity of a botanical garden did not actually lead to its construction during the open port period, such a movement was significant in that it strengthened the botanical garden's image as a symbol of civilization. Apart from tracing the origins of the botanical gardens in Korea, this study serves as fundamental research material for understanding the establishment of the Changgyeongwon Botanical Garden in 1909.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.377-410
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• 2009

In the East Asian Confucianism society, Hakmun was aimed to bring human beings and nature into harmony, and to explore a unity between knowledge and conducts. For example, Neo-Confucianism aspired they could explain the human existence and society through a single concept of Iki(理氣, the basic principles and the atmospheric force of nature). In this philosophy, humanics and natural sciences had not been differentiated at all. The East-West cultural interchanges at the beginning of modernity caused a crack in the traditional academic concepts. Through the Hundred Days of Reform(變法自疆運動, a movement of Strenuous Efforts through Reforming the Law), the Western Affairs Movement(洋務運動) in China, Meiji Restoration(明治維新) in Japan, or Innovation Movements(開化運動) and the Patriotic Enlightenment Movement(愛國啓蒙運動) in Korea, the traditional meanings of Hakmun was degraded while it became a target of the criticism of the enlightenment movements. Accordingly, East Asians' perception of Hakmun rapidly began to change. Although there had been the Silhak(實學, practical science) movement in Korea, which tried to differentiate its conceptualization of Hakmun from that of Neo-Confucianism during the 18th and 19th century, the fundamental shift in meaning occurred with the influx of the modern Western culture. This change converted the ultimate objective of Hakmun as well as its methods and substances. The separation of humanics and natural sciences, rise in dignity of the technological sciences, and subdivision of learning into disciplines and their specialization were accelerated during the Korean enlightenment period. The inflow of the modern western science, humanized thought, and empiricism functioned as mediators in these phase and they caused an irreversible crack in the traditional academic thoughts. Confronting the western mode of knowledge, however, the East Asian intellectuals had to explain their new learning by using traditional terms and concepts; modification was unavoidable when they tried to explain the newly imported knowledge and concepts. This presentation focuses on the traditional concepts of 'gyeogchi'(格致, extending knowledge by investigating things) and 'gungni'(窮理, investigation of principles), pervasively used in philosophy, physics and many other fields of study. These concepts will mark the key point with which to trace changes of knowledge and to understand the way how the concept of Hakmun was converted into a modern one.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.39 no.6
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• pp.76-85
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• 2011

This research explores the Korean perspective on parks and the beginning of urban parks in the port opening period. The purpose of the study is to understand how Koreans viewed and accepted the idea of a park as imported from western culture and with what attitudes. Analyzed sources included: "Susinsa's Record"(修信使記錄) by Susinsa(修信使) who wrote the inspection records of foreign modern cultures for the first time after the port opening, "Seoyukyunmun"(西遊見聞) by Yu Kil-jun(兪吉濬) and "Yun Chi-ho's Diary"(尹致昊日記) by Yun Chi-ho(尹致昊), which are representative works by students sent abroad, as well as some records of Seo Jae-pil(徐載弼) and The Independence Club(獨立協會) such as "The Independent"(獨立新聞), which contains the records of 'IndependencePark'. This research is focused on the literature that reexamins and interprets the related data from primary sources. As a result, it was found that the people who led the modern reformation in the Port Opening period adopted and developed social thinking regarding parks. Indeed, it was possible to witness the gradual sophistication of the concept of a park from the time of Susina's thoughts on parks to that of Yu Kil-jun's support for the need and importance of parks and Yun Chi-ho's cultural and artistic interest in parks. Also, Seo Jae-pil and the Independence Club drove the development of Independence Park, which was designed to incorporate social values and symbols while also serving to meet the needs of recreation, leisure, hygiene, and enlightenment. The Independence Club consistently advocated for the necessity of open spaces and delivered this message to the public via article writing. In short, even prior to the Japanese colonial period, Koreans shared thoughts and exchanged opinions on parks. Parks were to be created not just as a copy or transplant of western parks, but were constructed based on social demands and necessity. As few studies have taken the approach of identifying this origin of Korean parks, thus, this research which traces back the origin of Korean parks, is significant.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.57 no.1
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• pp.23-44
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• 2023

The word library(図書館) is a Japanese translation of the Western library or Bibliothek in the mid-Meiji period. This word has been accepted in Chinese(图书馆), Taiwan(圖書館), Korea(도서관), and Vietnam(Dđồ thư quán), which are Chinese-speaking countries. If so, when and who first introduced the term library to Japan and China? In Japan, the enlightenment thinker Fukuzawa's 『Seiyo Jijo, 1866』 is regarded as the first document to introduce the Western library, and in China, the article published in 『Qing Yi Bao, 1896』 by the reformed thinker Liang Qichao referred to as the first example. Therefore, this study traced and demonstrated the time and person in which the word library appeared, focusing on modern dictionaries, books, translations, papers, and newspaper articles that were introduced in both countries. As a result, the theory of the introduction to Fukuzawa in 1866 is wrong because Western libraries are described in various terms in many diaries and dictionaries, including Motoki's 『An English Japanese Dictionary of the Spoken Language, 1814』. Also, in China, the theory of introduction of Liang Qichao in 1896 is not true because the term library first appeared in Ryu Jeong-dam's 『A Dictionary of Loan Words and Hybrid Words in Chinese, 1884』. In the same context, it is necessary to trace and argue the history of the first use of the term library in Korea and the name of the first library in Korea established by the Busan Branch of the Japan Hongdo Association in 1901.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.9-35
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• 2017

This article is to study the life and philosophy of Jonjae Gidaeseung, who was at strife with his days and did not negotiate with himself, with focus on two concepts of buron(不穩, unrest) and 'sympathy'. It is the fact that to study the traditional philosopher is likely to be enlightening. In order to prevent the risk, we need to define first the concept of unrest as including anxiety to critical resistance. Also, I would like to propose the concept of sympathy in order to grasp the function of his mind which judges whether his feelings and actions are valid from an emotional horizon of unrest. Methodologically this article is to adopt a transversal and correlative thinking by combining an east Asian Confucian traditional concept unrest with a modern one space. It is because this research is to show a significant meaning when we study highlighted and hidden layers of our life and politics in 'now-here' and the 'between space' even though this transversal and correlative study shows the horizon of his life. This article is to investigate how a case is structured by occurrences and divergences and reinterpret a meaning from an emotional horizon. This process is done centering on two terms Guchatuan(pursuing ease ignobly), and Suwolbingho(moon reflected in the water and ice in a bottle), which is the source of Bingwoldang. The two terms were used by Jonjae himself. The latter shows an opposite meaning from the first and is accordingly a way by which we can look into his life and days. My research of Jonjae's life and politics from the emotional-philosophical level is original in that it reveals emotional traces beyond his philosophical ideas which previous studies did not show. In this article, I showed that Gobong was ambitious and resolute, and definite in his judgment and therefore was not good at controlling his uprightness. Also he was too straightforward to purify a language. His unrest characters made him conflict with old ministers and high ranking officials and therefore they avoided him even thought he was excellent in writing and learning and talented. He was oriented toward living by goodness and right Ways, which is summed up as Gisesa(vague movement, situational advantage, and death).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2018

Seo Byeong-o (徐丙五, 1862-1936) played a central role in the formation of the Daegu artistic community-which advocated artistic styles combining poetry, calligraphy and painting-during the Japanese colonial period, when the introduction of the Western concept of 'art' led to the adoption of Japanese and Western styles of painting in Korea. Seo first entered the world of calligraphy and painting after meeting Lee Ha-eung (李昰應, 1820-1898) in 1879, but his career as a scholar-artist only began in earnest after Korea was annexed by Japan in 1910. Seo's oeuvre can be broadly divided into three periods. In his initial period of learning, from 1879 to 1897, his artistic activity was largely confined to copying works from Chinese painting albums and painting works in the "Four Gentlemen" genre, influenced by the work of Lee Ha-eung, in his spare time. This may have been because Seo's principal aim at this time was to further his career as a government official. His subsequent period of development, which lasted from 1898 until 1920, saw him play a leading social role in such areas as the patriotic enlightenment movement until 1910, after which he reoriented his life to become a scholar-artist. During this period, Seo explored new styles based on the orchid paintings of Min Yeong-ik (閔泳翊, 1860-1914), whom he met during his second trip to Shanghai, and on the bamboo paintings of Chinese artist Pu Hua (蒲華, 1830-1911). At the same time, he painted in various genres including landscapes, flowers, and gimyeong jeolji (器皿折枝; still life with vessels and flowers). In his final mature period, from 1921 to 1936, Seo divided his time between Daegu and Seoul, becoming a highly active calligrapher and painter in Korea's modern art community. By this time his unique personal style, characterized by broad brush strokes and the use of abundant ink in orchid and bamboo paintings, was fully formed. Records on, and extant works from, Seo's early period are particularly rare, thus confining knowledge of his artistic activities and painting style largely to the realm of speculation. In this respect, eleven recently revealed nanjukseok (蘭竹石圖; orchid, bamboo and rock) paintings, produced by Seo in 1889, provide important clues about the origins and standards of his early-period painting style. This study uses a comparative analysis to confirm that Seo's orchid paintings show the influence of the early gunran (群蘭圖; orchid) and seongnan (石蘭圖; rock and orchid) paintings produced by Lee Ha-eung before his arrest by Qing troops in July 1882. Seo's bamboo paintings appear to show both that he adopted the style of Zheng Xie (鄭燮, 1693-1765) of the Yangzhou School (揚州畵派), a style widely known in Seoul from the late eighteenth century onward, and of Heo Ryeon (許鍊, 1809-1892), a student of Joseon artist Kim Jeong-hui (金正喜,1786-1856), and that he attempted to apply a modified version of Lee Ha-eung's seongnan painting technique. It was not possible to find other works by Seo evincing a direct relationship with the curious rocks depicted in his 1889 paintings, but I contend that they show the influence of both the late-nineteenth-century-Qing rock painter Zhou Tang (周棠, 1806-1876) and the curious rock paintings of the middle-class Joseon artist Jeong Hak-gyo (丁學敎, 1832-1914). In conclusion, this study asserts that, for his 1889 nanjukseok paintings, Seo Byeong-o adopted the styles of contemporary painters such as Heo Ryeon and Jeong Hak-gyo, whom he met during his early period at the Unhyeongung through his connection with its occupant, Lee Ha-eung, and those of artists such as Zheng Xie and Zhou Tang, whose works he was able to directly observe in Korea.