• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.381-404
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• 2019

The paper aims to identify how North Korean various economic agents respond to the economic crisis in North Korea, and how these multiple practices are entangled with its spatiality by through the questionnaire survey and in-depth interview targeted at North Korean refugees. The paper argues that it needs to examine the marketization in North Korea in terms of the domesticating recently debated in economic geography. In this perspective, the marketization in North Korea could be explained not as a grand project 'out there' with hegemonic power, but as various economic agents within their space are constantly (re)constructed through everyday life practices. Economic agents' responses to economic crisis, economic rupture, and economic marginalization could be identified in terms of articulation between economic and non-economic factors. More specifically, the paper emphasizes everyday life responses are over-determined by their economic and non-economic factors and its effectiveness is differentiated by their power relations.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• 대학교육
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• s.144
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• pp.5-10
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• 2006

시절에 따라 대학교수의 사회참여 형태는 그 성격을 달리해 왔다. 이승만 정권을 무너뜨릴 때 대학교수들이 중요한 역할을 했고, 박정희 정권 시절에는 기술관료의 역할과 정권의 정당화 역할을 수행하는 양방향으로 사회참여가 이루어졌다. 5공화국 시절에는 '진보적 지식인'으로서의 대학교수상이 대두되었고, 문민정부와 국민의 정부에서도 대학교수는 그 모습을 달리했다. 참여정부라 일컬어지는 현 정권 안에서 대학교수는 또 다른 역할을 요구받고 있으며 시대의 흐름상 권력과 지식은 상호 간에 적당한 거리를 유지하며 적절한 관계를 맺어야 상호 실현이 가능하다고 판단되고 있다. 결국 대학교수를 포함한 지식인의 사회참여 문제는 사회참여 그 자체가 문제가 아니라‘어떤 참여’냐 하는 문제가 되는 것이다.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.378-391
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• 2020

This paper tries to critically examine how development of digital technology affects on the processes of production, consumption and intermediation of popular culture. We focus on the case of BTS to find changes after new media environment. In production part, artist produces diverse contents through multiple platforms to be a 'total package', and in consumption part, fans vote and promote online to support their artist, and their roles have expanded to the cultural intermediary at some part, so on the part of intermediation, inequalities from the power relations have changed in a part.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.7
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• pp.211-219
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• 2019

This study analyzed the conflict plots of the top 5 most watched TV series during the 2000-2005 period. It was observed that those popular series typically took love and success as main subject matters to actually aim for such a sensitive social issue as the widening gap between the rich and the poor as well as audience's desire for higher status. They even dared to describe our lives at home and the job as power relationships to heighten the intensity of the conflict. On the other hand, the resolution took a wide variety of both positive and negative endings - ranging from marriages and conciliations to death and arrests - as a way to have the antagonists punished. The deus-ex-machina was often used. A chronological view of the change in the conflict plots of successful dramas should deserve further academic interests.

• International Commerce and Information Review
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.153-174
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• 2017

The cultural values of the traditional way and the current cultural values of young people are very different, and the rejection of cross-cultural contact is greatly reduced because Korean young people easily accommodate other cultures of the US, Europe or Asia. At present, the cultural values of the traditional way and the current cultural values of young people are very different, and the youthfulness of Korean young people easily accepts other cultures of the US, Europe or Asia, so the resistance to cross - cultural contact is greatly reduced. The purpose of this study is to find out how the younger Korean youths are forming the change of the foreign culture and how the negotiation will proceed according to the formation of these cultures. The results of the analysis show that Korean young people have collectivism cultural rights and that they are consistent with the previous research that there is tendency to avoid uncertainty. On the other hand, there is a tendency of opposition as a result of the empirical analysis that the Koreans have a strong orientation, a high power interval, and strong masculinity. Also, as a result of analyzing the changes in Korean culture that belongs to the high background culture, Korean young people tend to be centered in the past and decision makers tend to decide by the chief executive. On the other hand, Korean young people were denied all the verifiable cultural attributes that cultural properties and communication that maintain openness to share space exposures and office space are non - verbal, tacit communication and time observation are very long and uncertain.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.595-610
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• 2016

This study investigates the parameters that affect the choice of Korean medical services, as well as the relationship between the cultural characteristics and the behavioral intention to use Korean medical services. The cultural characteristics of Chinese and Russian individuals have an impact on the national image and image of Korea's medical services, and that this affects their behavioral intention to use Korean medical services. Nevertheless, there were differences among the cultural characteristics, in terms of specific elements. Among Chinese individuals, the national image is affected by 'power distance', 'individualism-collectivism', and 'long-term orientation'; for Russians, it is affected by 'individualism-collectivism', 'power distance', 'uncertainty avoidance', and 'long-term orientation'. On the other hand, for Chinese, the image of Korean medical services is affected by 'power distance' and 'long-term orientation', while for Russians it is affected by 'power distance' and 'uncertainty avoidance'. These in turn influence their behavioral intention to use Korean medical services. As such, by recognizing these cultural properties, and by designing and offering suitable services with these in mind, Korean medical institutions can nurture among foreign visitors greater satisfaction and a desire to revisit.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.54
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• pp.5-31
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• 2020

This study has started from the political process of local community power structure to elaborate the reason why both a majority of cultural artists and cultural artist organizations want to be against establishing the local Foundation for Arts and Culture. The cultural artists and cultural artist organizations believe that the establishment of the local Foundation for Arts and Culture might threaten not only their monopolistic status or their livelihood in the local market relying on public supports, but also make them being marginalized from the potential supports. Therefore many of them have somewhat unfavourable opinions about its establishment. Drawing from the Jellabuk-do case, their concern of being isolated from the monopoly by the local Foundation for Arts and Culture are reduced to publicized discourses such as powerization, the lack of expertise, the loss of independence, and the fall of business. When constructing the Foundation for Arts and Culture, the major values are 'Pluralism' and 'Fairness'. On one hand, the terms of Fairness means that it should be fair in operations, support and executive composition. On the other hand, Pluralism means that policy-making rights should be distributed to various groups, not owned by some specific groups. Some plans for building Foundation for Arts and Culture are needed to make diverse classes and groups to expect the pluralistic interests emerged eventually.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.21-51
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• 2018

This article takes several approaches in explaining recent developments in Vietnam. First, it draws upon an array of sources that idealize Vietnam's embrace of capitalism and integration into the global market in order to sketch out its economy's progress in 2017. Second, it observes, evaluates, and diagnoses recent changes in the Vietnamese economy in the medium to long term by incorporating conflicting perspectives on Vietnam's performance as a capitalist country. Third, this article traces the power shifts that have risen from internal struggles in the Communist Party over political and social issues. Fourth, it elaborates on the aforementioned impact that foreign relations have had on socio-political developments in Vietnam, as well as the government's response. In so doing, it also attempts to evaluate, however briefly, the significance of the 25th anniversary of South Korea-Vietnam relations. Finally, it examines the public's reaction to the post-reform transitions in light of recent sociocultural changes. 2017 was a memorable year for Vietnam: a continuous march toward capitalism; the resulting expansion of the Vietnamese people's demands; political controversies and government control; the looming instability of United States-China relations and various attempts to address the situation. These events will inevitably replicate themselves in the future as the ostensibly socialist Vietnam adopts a capitalist model. The problem is that it is unclear whether these experiences will continue with the consent of the people of socialist Vietnam or engender resistance. It is difficult to achieve meaningful consent in the status quo of worsening inequalities, widespread corruption, monopoly on power, and sustained use of unskilled low-wage workers. In other words, when concerns such as welfare, public health, and the environment are set aside in favor of economic development and commercialization as they have been, discontent, rather than consent, will prevail. It is thus important to keep a watchful eye on the viability of the nominal economic growth, surface-level political stability, and strategic responses to foreign relations that took place in 2017.