• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.5
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• pp.21-31
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• 2023

Korean ginseng, a special product of Korea, has been one of the most important exports since the era of the Three Kingdoms. However, not many records were kept about ginseng in Korea until the Goryeo Dynasty. This paper summarizes the records relating to international diplomatic relations and trade of ginseng in the Goryeo Dynasty and the medicinal books known to have been published at the time. During the Goryeo Dynasty, ginseng was actively transported to the neighboring countries of Bohai, Song, Wa, Later Jin, and Yuan as a diplomatic gift or as a trade item. Ginseng was mainly exported from Goryeo to these countries, but it was also received as a diplomatic gift from Bohai and Khitan. Arabian merchants came to Byeokran Port, a representative international trading port of Goryeo, and traded ginseng. After the Mongol invasion, the demand for ginseng in the Yuan Dynasty was excessive, which became a big social problem. During the Goryeo Dynasty, several medicinal books were published, including Jejungiphyobang, Eouuichwalyobang, Hyangyakgobang, Samhwajahyangyakbang, Hyangyak Hyemin Gyeongheombang, Hyangyak Gugeupbang, and Biyebaekyobang. Hyangyak Gugeupbang, which was reprinted during the Joseon Dynasty, has been handed down to the present time, although this has not been the case for the originals of the remaining books. Recently, some of the latter books have been restored through the study of the references in various medicinal books of later generations. While the medicinal books used in the royal court showed that a high proportion of the prescriptions containing ginseng, not a single prescription for ginseng has been found in theHyangyak Gugeupbang, which was mainly used for commoners. This is thought to be because ginseng was very rare and expensive at the time, so it was difficult for commoners to access it.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.249-280
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• 2019

This research aims at examining the present of fusion historical dramas through a TV soap opera, and discussing the narrative of this genre and external elements to be equipped. tried to break from conventionality of fusion historical dramas by intensifying it. By comprehensively suggesting the history of conflicts repeated in existing dramas, it helped its viewers to concentrate on it easily. In addition, by setting a separate space from the secret strife in a palace while depicting it, it expressed romance between a man and a woman faithfully. Moreover, two individual riddles were given so that the narrative became rich. Furthermore, the social problems of remaining singles and the tyranny of the establishment were dealt with. Novelty was presented with the viewpoint of seeing the past through today's perspective instead of seeing the present through the past; by trying to interpret modern culture in a way of Joseon, such as the figures reflecting the phases of the times and lines using newly-coined words and abbreviations. Therefore, the success of the drama contents lies not in breaking from customs but in thinking about what to change based on conventional characteristics. can be evaluated to be a work that can be an idealistic model of this genre.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.3
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• pp.258-277
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• 2020

The purpose of this paper is to examine the paintings and symbols of the Jeju Guandeokjeong murals, Treasure No. 322. Gwandeokjeong Pavilion in Jeju is one of the oldest buildings in Jeju and was built in 1448 during the reign of King Sejong (世宗) of the Joseon Dynasty to serve as a training ground for soldiers. Unlike Gwandeokjeong Pavilions in other regions, Jeju's Gwandeokjeong Pavilion has a long history and is of cultural value due to its beautiful architecture. In addition, it contains various murals which are a further source of attention. There are four murals on the front and back of the two Lintels on the left and right sides of the building. Their contents include of 『The Three Kingdoms (三國志)』 and and on the back. Towards the right, is depicted, with on the back. Based on a replica of the murals from 1976, the plan, style, and age of the Gwandeokjeong Pavilion murals have been studied, together with their meanings. The contents of the mural are broadly divided into five parts, which are identified by the tacit signatures atop the screen, which provide such details as the painting titles. The paintings on the left and right sides of the center appear to inspire the spirit of the military's commerce in order to boost soldiers' morale, protect the country, and protect the people in line with the purpose of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion. The following and figuratively depict guidelines for the behavior and mindset of officials. In particular, is a painting concerned with concepts of longevity and an auspicious (吉祥), which shows how court paintings became popular as folk paintings at that time. The paintings of tangerines and other specialties of Jeju Island, the ritual paintings of Jeokbyeokdaejeon, and the expressions of Mt. Halla (漢拏山) and Oreum (오름) indicate the existence of Jeju artists that belonged to the Jeju government office at that time. The five themes and styles of the murals also show that the murals of Gwandeokjeong Pavilion were produced in the late 19^th and early 20^th centuries.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.128-141
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• 2012

This study focused on the historic documents known as $deungnok$, records created during preparations for royal events in the $Joseon$ Dynasty, rather than the often cited $uigwe$, the documents describing the Royal Protocol of the $Joseon$ Dynasty. As a reference to the food served at royal banquets, the $deungnok$ can enhance our understanding of royal banquet foods. Seven specimens of $deungnok$ describing royal banquet foods are currently in existence, created during preparations for royal events by the agencies in charge of food, the $Saongwon$ and $Jeonseonsa$. Owing to the nature of their authorship, the details recorded in these $deungnok$ hold great value as important resources for the study of royal banquet cuisine. $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$, which documented an $oejinyeon$ banquet held at the $Junghwajeon$ Pavilion in November 1902, was somewhat disorganized and fragmented. $Jinyeonuigwe$ was more inclusive and well-summarized, since the former were progress reports to the King during banquet preparations that listed various items separately, such as dishes for each table setting and the kinds of flower pieces, and thus did not present a complete picture of all the details as a whole. The latter, on the other hand, were final reports created upon completion of a banquet, and contained more comprehensive records not only of the $chanpum$ (the menu of dishes served), but also the sorts of tableware and tables, floral arrangements, location, scale, and installation date of the $sukseolso$ (temporary royal kitchens for banquets). They also offer a more effective summary by simplifying details duplicated in identical table settings. Nevertheless, the $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ recorded some facts that cannot be gleaned from the $Jinyeonuigwe$, including the height of some dishes presented in piled stacks, as well as the specific names of dishes and their ingredients. The comparative study of the historic records in the $deungnok$ and $uigwe$ will be helpful in identifying and understanding the specific foods served at royal banquets. The $oejinyeon$-$seolchando$ diagrams in $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ depict the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince. The two diagrams contain large rectangles divided into three sections. In each section are similar-sized circles in which the names of dishes and the titles for table settings are recorded. From these records we can see that the arrangements of the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince are similar. The relationships and protocols shown in the arrangement of dishes and table settings for the King and the Crown Prince at royal banquets in the $Seolchando$ appear to be consistent. By comparing the two references, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, which recorded the dishes served at royal banquets, the author was able to determine the height of some foods served in stacked arrangements, the names of $chanpum$, the ingredients used, and the configuration of the $chanpum$. The comparative review of these two written records, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, will be helpful for a proper understanding of the actual food served at royal banquets.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.4-21
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• 2018

This paper reviewed the legitimacy of the name of those sixteen pieces of hat artifacts known in Korean as pyeongjeongmo and currently housed by the National Palace Museum. This was undertaken in order to rectify the error of calling them pyeongjeongmo. Also, the paper suggested pyeongjeongmo's production method to apply representation of the artifacts or production of Joseon officials' hats as representation of ritual costumes in the royal court. The name pyeongjeongmo originated from pyeongjeonggeon. Gyeongguk Daejeon recorded that noksas wore yugak-pyeongjeonggeon and seoris wore mugak-pyeongjeonggeon, but the pyeongjeongmo artifacts housed in the National Palace Museum have been found irrelevant to those pyeongjeonggeons put on by both noksas and seoris. Rather, they has been confirmed as corresponding to dugeon or jogeon worn by byeolgams or suboks who served at the palace of the crown prince or princess. Through the investigation of the artifacts, the researchers could find out the tailoring and sewing methods, the finished look, and the folding manner of pyeongjeonggeon. Although the structure of pyeongjeonggeon was generally consistent, the frontal look was slightly different depending on the folding manner, resulting in three distinguished types of pyeongjeonggeon. Regardless, the pyeongjeongmo was made with one piece of fabric by a flat tailoring and folding method to create a three-dimensional hat. The finished shape appeared low in the front and high in the back side structure. The head girth was 55~59 cm, and the height was 19.4~21.5 cm. To make it with one piece of fabric, the head girth part was tailored in the same direction as the strands. Based on the artifact Changdeok 23820, this paper has also suggested a finished reproduction through the processes of preparing the materials, mounting, making the center ornaments, sewing and folding. The tailoring was completed with black silk fabric which was cut in a unique shape designed in advance, and hemp fabric which was mounted to the former. The top part of the head was finished with black threads, and the center line at the back was fixed with decolored cotton threads by blanket stitches with 3.5~4 cm intervals. Bamboo strands were inserted in the inside of the front-folded part, which then was fixed by patterned stitches with white cotton thread. At the back, a small bamboo clasp was attached so that one can lock it to the headband and prevent it from falling off.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.269-305
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• 2020

Youngsan is generally known as Pansori Danga(短歌). However, the contents of 'Yeongsan' in 『Songnamjabji』 are different. In 『Songnamjabji』, Cho Jaesam explained the contents related to 'Youngsan' using three kinds of poems: Shin Kwangsoo's poem, Baegho Imje's poem, Kim Myeongwon's poem. First, 'Ujo Youngsan' appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem. Shin Kwangsoo wrote the (1750) when Yoo Jinhan's 『Manhwajib(晩華集)』(1754) was published. It is difficult to see the 'Ujo Youngsan', which appears in Shin Kwangsoo's poem written in a time when Pansori was not widely known, as the Pansori Danga. Second, Jo Jaesam called the music in Baegho Imje's poem 'Youngsan Dodeueum'. In 'Youngsan Dodeueum', flute and 'Dodeuli rhythm' were used. This fact is connected with , an instrumental music. , also a Buddhist term, continued to be used in the palace as well as among the people. Third, Cho Jaesam introduced Kim Myeongwon's poem in 'Yeongsan' part and called it 'Taryeong.' At that time, the term 'Taryeong' referred to both Pansori and Jeongga(正歌). Later, in the 19th century, 'Youngsan' was recorded as a term for the Danga to loosen the neck before Pansori began in earnest. In other words, the early 'Yeongsan' recorded in 『Songnamjabji』 was a Buddhist term, referring to the music of the upper class Seonbi, such as , Gasa(歌詞) and Sijo(時調). In 1855, when 『Songnamjabji』 was written, 'Youngsan' was used as a term used to refer to both Changbu-Music and Gagaek(歌客)-Music, mixed with the term 'Taryeong'. And as Pansori became popular, the term 'Taryeong' came to be called 'Pansori' and 'Youngsan' was used to refer to Pansori Danga. Therefore, all the records of 'Youngsan' should not be interpreted as Pansori Danga. This situation is closely related to religious and social change. The policy of worshipping Confucianism and suppressing Buddhism rejected the term 'Youngsan' which had a Buddhist meaning. In the middle of Joseon Dynasty, when Buddhism was suppressed, 'Youngsan' and 'Taryeong' were mixed. As Buddhism regrown in the late Joseon Dynasty, with the advent of Pansori, the term 'Youngsan' seems to be newly resettled in the sense of Danga. Pansori appeared in the 19th century and 'Yeongsan' was used as a Danga. And the reason should be regarded as this social and religious change.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.287-325
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• 2011

This paper studies the time-space and appreciation of the performance culture of Gwanseo region, which is considered to have formed a characteristic culture in late Joseon period. For this purpose, 4 gasa written in hangeul (Korean alphabet), as well as 4 yeonhaeng gasa, 108 articles of Gwanseoakbu were examined. Plus, among the 9 types of yeonhaengrok (Documents of Performance culture) written in Chinese character, those parts which describe the performance traits have been analyzed. Then, 'main list of terminology' has been deduced based on the categorization according to the following points : 1) subjects of performance and appreciation 2) time and period of performance 3) space of performance 4) contents of performance 5) background and motive for performance and 6) method of performance. Through this process, various 'nouns' and 'predicate verbs' in relation to performance culture emerged, which were systemized according to types of performance elements and categories. Major terminology includes predicate verbs and symbolic verbs such as nokuihongsang,' 'baekdaehongjang,' 'jeolsaekgeumga,' 'cheonga,' 'hwaryu,' 'gamuja,' and 'tongsoja,' as well as the terms already known such as gisaeng, iwon, yangbang, akgong, and jeonak, which refer to musicians and dancers. Subjects of performance were divided into performers and listeners, categorized into concert, music, and dance, according to performance form. In the case for music, it was divided into instrumental or vocal, solo or accompanied (byeongju, self-accompaniment). In the case for vocal music, noteworthy was the inclusion of profesional artist's singing (called gwangdae or uchang). The record of 23 names of popular artists from Gwanseo region, with mention of special talents for each person, reflects the degree of activeness and artistic level of the province. Depending on the appreciating patrons, the audience were indicated as the terms including 'yugaek (party guest),' jwasang,' 'on jwaseok,' and 'sonnim (guests).' It seems that appraisal for a certain performance was very much affected by the tastes, views, and disposition of the appreciating patrons. Therefore it is interesting to observe different comparative reviews of concerts of different regions given by literary figures, offering various criticism on identical performance. In terms of performance space, it has been divided into natural or architectural space, doing justice to special performance sites such as a famous pavilion or an on-the-boat performance. Specific terms related to the scale and brightness of stage, as well as stage props and cast, based on descriptions of performance space were found. The performance space, including famous pavilions; Yeongwangjeong, Bubyeokru, Baeksangru, Wolparu, and Uigeomjeong, which are all well-known tourist sites of Gwanseo province, have been often visited by viceroys. governors, and envoys during a tour or trip. This, and the fact that full-scale performances were regularly held here, and that more than 15 different kinds of boats which were used for boat concert are mentioned, all confirm the general popularity of boat concerts at the time. Performance time, categorized by season or time of day (am/pm/night) and analyzed in terms of time of occurrence and duration, there were no special limitation as to when to have a performance. Most morning concerts were held as part of official duties for the envoys, after their meeting session, whereas evening concerts were more lengthy in duration, with a greater number of people in the audience. In the case of boat concert, samples include day-time concert and performances that began during the day and which lasted till later in the evening. Major terminology related to performance time and season includes descriptions of time of day (morning, evening, night) and mention of sunset, twilight, moonlight, stars, candles, and lamps. Such terms which reflect the flow of time contributed in making a concert more lively. Terminology for the contents of performance was mostly words like 'instrumental,' 'pungak,' or 'pungnyu.' Besides, contextual expressions gave hints as to whether there were dance, singing, ensemble, solo, and duets. Words for dance and singing used in Gwanseo province were almost identical to those used for gasa and jeongjae in the capital, Hanyang. However, many sentences reveal that performances of 'hangjangmu' of hongmunyeon, sword dance, and baettaragi were on a top-quality level. Moreover, chants in hanmun Chinese character and folk songs, which are characteristic for this region, show unique features of local musical performance. It is judged that understanding the purpose and background of a performance is important in grasping the foundation and continuity of local culture. Concerts were usually either related to official protocol for 'greeting,' 'sending-off,' 'reports,' and 'patrols' or for private enjoyment. The rituals for Gwanseo province characteristically features river crossing ceremony on the Daedong river, which has been closely documented by many. What is more, the Gwanseo region featured continued coming and goings of Pyeongan envoys and local officers, as well as ambassadors to and fro China, which required an organized and full-scale performance of music and dance. The method of performance varied from a large-scale, official ones, for which female entertainers and a great banquet in addition to musicians were required, to private gatherings that are more intimate. A performance may take the form of 'taking turns' or 'a competition,' reflecting the dynamic nature of the musical culture at the time. This study, which is deduction of terminology in relation to the time-space and appreciation culture of musical performances of Gwanseo region in late Joseon period, should be expanded in the future into research on 'the performance culture unique to Gwanseo region,' in relation to the financial and administrative aspects of the province, as well as everyday lifestyle. Furthermore, it could proceed to a more intensive research by a comparative study with related literary documents and pictorial data, which could serve as the foundation for understanding the use of space and stage, as well as the performance format characteristic to Korean traditional performing arts.