• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.45
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• pp.145-166
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• 2016

The aim of this investigation was to determine the historical relationship between anti-communism in the United States and military dictatorship in Paraguay. Relations between the two countries have been of great importance since the U.S attempt to obtain hemispheric solidarity in World War II, the Cold War in Latin America, and the balance of power in the La Plata region. The Archives of Terror are official documents of police repression between Alfredo Stroessner's dictatorship and the U.S. U.S provided support and aid to Paraguay dictator. Alfredo Stroessner spanned more than half a century. The course of Paraguay-U.S. relation during his regime is illustrative of the flow of real politics in both nations. Not only did Washington had definite diplomatic goals, so did $Asunci{\acute{o}}n$. The relative disparity in power and wealth between the two nations did not necessarily hinder Paraguay's pursuit of international advantage in its relations with the United States.

• 건강소식
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• v.24 no.10 s.263
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• pp.2-5
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• 2000

'최선을 다하는 삶이 아름답다.' 결과도 중요하지만, 충실하게 엮어 가는 과정을 더욱 소중하게 생각하는 유종근 전라북도지사의 생활신조다. 경제학자이자 경제 행정가로서 국제적으로 이름을 날리던 유지사가 정치에 입문한 것은 군부독재에 맞서는 과정에서 자연스럽게 현실정책의 문제, 그리고 정치적인 문제까지 관심을 갖게되면서이다. 그래서 유지사는 도민과 함께 해 온 지난 5년여 동안, 도민의 소득 수준을 전국 상위권으로 향상시키고, 전라북도를 문화ㆍ환경ㆍ복지ㆍ관광 등 모든 분야에서 삶의 질이 앞서가는 퓽요로운 지역, 세계에서 가장 살기 좋은 지역으로 만들기위해 아름다운 최선을 다해 왔다. 도민과 하나된 힘으로 '새천년 새전북인' 운동을 내실있게 추진해 가겠다는 유지사의 확신과 자신감에 찬 모습에서 발전된 전북의 모습이 느껴져 왔다.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.305-330
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to examine whether Myanmar's experience in which dealing with the most exemplary change among rogue states or pariah state in the 21st century is feasible for North Korea's case. Recently, North Korea's willingness to dialogue, reform and open is similar to the precedent in which the Myanmar military junta dismantled its ruling system and turned over transition period through general elections in 2010 and 2015 each. The so-called 'Myanmar Model' refers to a country branded as a rogue state which has been under the international sanctions and pressure, and opening its political system and the market by choosing transformation. However, rapid changes in speed across the entire society after opening up are impossible because the political elite is only the leading role and implementation in the transition. In case of Myanmar, military culture has penetrated into society due to such a long-lasting military dictatorship, and even democratic bloc has become accustomed to authoritarian decision-making process. Furthermore, the "reserved area" of the old regime still exists in a deformed political structure that can not retrieve the interests of the military. Therefore there could not be achieved political development in term of qualification. North Korea also appears unlikely to achieve political and economic assessment in a short period of time, as civil society has not appeared due to its long dictatorship and very low economic development levels. Like Myanmar, North Korea is also likely to control the pace and direction of upcoming reforms and open, as the dictator or most powerful person chose to reform and open up. Therefore, if North Korea moves toward the 'Myanmar Model', there will be high expectations of new changes in the short term, but it could be delayed or stalled in the mid and long term.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.255-285
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• 2013

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers (SSP Centers) run by social movement groups have struggled to defend their voluntary identities in conflict with SSP Centers operated by professional social welfare centers. Since political democratization, social movement groups have been increasing invited to run frontline public welfare agencies in South Korea, and Self-Sufficiency Program is one of the representative policies in which social movement groups have actively partaked. But many critical scholars have warned that such institutionalization of social movements into social welfare system is likely to dampen their voluntary nature and force them to render their hegemonic power to professional social welfare institutions. In contrast to the critical viewpoint, however, this study unveils how social movement-based SSP Centers have strived to tackle the professionalization pressure by deploying various survival strategies at the micro level. Through a historical discourse analysis on the frontline conflicts between social movement-based and social welfare-based SSP Centers, this study contends that social movement groups in Self-Sufficiency Program can still maintain their traditional spirit despite the obvious professionalization phenomenon.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.29-58
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• 2016

'Post-memory' is the act of remembering traumatic events in history by subsequent generations who have not had direct experiences or relations with them. For this reason, the narratives of 'post-memory' are considered as re-interpretations of the past deeply influenced by current perspectives and concerns. The Chilean film NO goes back to the Referendum of 1988 in order to examine the "NO campaign" which was opposed to another eight years of continuation of the Pinochet regime. Although this campaign contributed significantly to the Chilean democratization, the filmmaker does not just celebrate it: rather he attempts to cast a critical reflection on its strategies that eventually turned democracy into a "commodity" by deploying commercial language and marketing tools for characterizing and describing it. On the other hand, the Korean movie The Attorney sheds light on the story of an attorney who, during the military regime in the 1980's, became a human rights lawyer when he tried to advocate for university students accused of violating national security law. This film reconstitutes the meaning of democracy built upon the logic of "common-sense" that privileges freedom and fundamental human rights over Statism. Despite the different historical contexts between Chile and South Korea, these two movies retell the history of a dictatorship that ended a couple of decades ago. In doing so, they raise questions about history, memory and democracy in order to deepen the understanding of current social and political circumstances while placing an emphasis on the roles and responsibilities of intellectuals during the transition to democracy and democratic consolidation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.6
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• pp.175-183
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• 2022

This study comparatively analyzed the cultural codes of Korea and Turkey represented in the Turkish film remaking the Korean original film. Although both films follow the narrative of resisting the tyranny of public power based on fatherly love, similarities and differences were revealed depending on the socio-cultural contexts of Korea and Turkey. First of all, Korea and Turkey valued familialism under the influence of Confucianism and Islam respectively. This was represented as a fatherly love, willing to sacrifice himself for the sake of his daughter. Meanwhile, in the Turkish version, there was a difference in the interpretation of the Islamic identity that encompasses the lives of Turkish people and the consequent human sinfulness and death. In the film, the prisoners repented of their personal sinfulness under Islamic doctrine, and sought salvation by activating the muslim brotherhood. This contrasts with the original work, which uses religion as a humor element that highlights the genre characteristics of comedy films, along with the social atmosphere in Korea that allows for the coexistence of various religions. In addition, Turkish one draws on the realistic issues of the military dictatorship of Turkey in the 1980s and the abolition of the death penalty for EU membership, bringing out a film narrative as a drama genre.