• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.457-462
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• 2023

Director Yoon Jong-bin's new series <The Accidental Narco, Narco-Saints> was streamed through Netflix in 2022 and ranked first in the series rankings. <The Accidental Narco, Narco-Saints> continues the genealogy of male narratives in Korean society that director Yoon Jong-bin has pursued for a long time. In <The Accidental Narco, Narco-Saints>, the main characters choose the path of the diaspora to escape Korean society and seek survival in a foreign country. The two male protagonists of <The Accidental Narco, Narco-Saints> are set up in a hostile relationship, but they have one thing in common: they basically pursue money to "survive". They chose the diaspora to avoid the tyranny of public power in Korean society in the 1980s and 1990s, but Republic of Suriname was the worst place where private violence and public power were completely callused. In there, one becomes a drug lord and the other chooses to act for his duty to Korea. These two different choices can be said to be examples of the light and shade of the diaspora. In <The Accidental Narco, Narco-Saints>, director Yoon Jong-bin inherited the themes of 'family' and 'violence' from previous works, while expanding the geographical area of Korean male narratives he had been exploring.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.21 no.1
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• pp.215-236
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• 2006

This article focused on the meaning of the 1979 Moon Treaty and its future. Although the Moon Treaty is one of the major 5 space related treaties, it was accepted by only 11 member states which are non-space powers, thus having the least enfluences on the field of space law. And this article analysed the relationship between the 1979 Moon Treay and 1967 Space Treaty which was the first principle treaty, and searched the meaning of the "Common Heritage of Mankind(hereinafter CHM)" stipulated in the Moon treaty in terms of international law. This article also dealt with the present and future problems arising from the Moon Treaty. As far as the 1967 Space Treaty is concerned the main standpoint is that outer space including the moon and the other celestial bodies is res extra commercium, areas not subject to national appropriation like high seas. It proclaims the principle non-appropriation concerning the celestial bodies in outer space. But the concept of CHM stipulated in the Moon Treaty created an entirely new category of territory in international law. This concept basically conveys the idea that the management, exploitation and distribution of natural resources of the area in question are matters to be decided by the international community and are not to be left to the initiative and discretion of individual states or their nationals. Similar provision is found in the 1982 Law of the Sea Convention that operates the International Sea-bed Authority created by the concept of CHM. According to the Moon Treaty international regime will be established as the exploitation of the natural resources of the celestial bodies other than the Earth is about to become feasible. Before the establishment of an international regime we could imagine moratorium upon the expoitation of the natural resources on the celestial bodies. But the drafting history of the Moon Treaty indicates that no moratorium on the exploitation of natural resources was intended prior to the setting up of the international regime. So each State Party could exploit the natural resources bearing in mind that those resouces are CHM. In this respect it would be better for Korea, now not a party to the Moon Treaty, to be a member state in the near future. According to the Moon Treaty the efforts of those countries which have contributed either directly or indirectly the exploitation of the moon shall be given special consideration. The Moon Treaty, which although is criticised by some space law experts represents a solid basis upon which further space exploration can continue, shows the expression of the common collective wisdom of all member States of the United Nations and responds the needs and possibilities of those that have already their technologies into outer space.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.33
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• pp.229-260
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to categorize the past Chiefs of Presidenteal Security Service so far based on their level of expertise and authority so that we can identify some specific reasons as to why some of them are recognized as successful while others are not, and that the categorization will be a guideline to future successful administration. In order to do so, a quantitative research has been implemented through meetings of a group security science expert who has been in security business for substantial amount of time. The result is as following: Authoritative/professional: 2nd Chief of P.S.S. Park, Jong-Gyu, 5th Chief of P.S.S. Jang, Se-Dong, 7th Chief of P.S.S. Lee, Hyeon-Wu, 8th Chief of P.S.S. Choi, Seok-Rip. Authoritative/Non-professional: 1st Chief of P.S.S. Hong, Jong-cheol, 3rd Chief of P.S.S. Cha, Ji-cheol, 6th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Hyeon-Tae, 14th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, In-Jong. Non-authoritative/professional: 4th Chief of P.S.S. Jeong, Dong-Ho, 9th Chief of P.S.S. Park, Sang-Beom, 13th Chief of P.S.S. Yom. Sang-Guk. Non-authoritative/Non-professional: 10th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Gwang-Seok, 11th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Ju-Seop, 12th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Se-Ok. This categorization research on the Chief of P.S.S. suggests that any president, to be a successful one, must choose the Chief of P.S.S. based on his/her expertise in order to secure national security.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.3
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• pp.263-271
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• 2009

This study aims to identify negotiation alternatives related to Post-2012 reducing emissions from deforestation (RED) and enhancement of forest carbon stock (EFCS) activities. It also aims to recommend a negotiation strategy considering environmental integrity and national interest on the basis of estimating reduction potentials of each alternative on the assumption that tradable carbon credits play an important role as positive incentives. In order to estimate greenhouse gas (GHG) reduction potentials and income potential from RED and EFCS activities, 99 countries were selected by the Global Forest Resources Assessment of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. A 'baseline and credit' method was applied to estimate RED activities. Gross-net and net-net methods were applied for EFCS activities. According to the results, Brazil, Indonesia, and the Democratic Republic of Congo have more potential to get positive incentives through RED, while China, Chile, and the Republic of Korea have more potential to get positive incentives through EFCS. This study suggests including both RED and EFCS activities in the boundary of policy approaches and endowment of positive incentives to consider GHG reduction potentials in the global scale and equity among developing countries. Making a discount rate application of forest management activities can be also recommended to factor out the effects of human-induced activities by EFCS activities.

• Strategy21
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• s.45
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• pp.5-32
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• 2019

The paper introduces US Indo-Pacific Strategy and discusses its meanings and implications for international security and our strategy. It tries to look at the Indo-Pacific strategy(IPS) through the lenses of international political theories. The paper provides three important observations. First, the US Indo-Pacific strategy is a declaration of the national identity of the US as an Indo-Pacific nation. The paper argues that the IPS reflects the US leadership that would facilitate the formation of, so called, the Indo-Pacific community. In arguing these points, the paper notes that the IPS has rich elements of constructivist approaches including norms and national identity. Second, the paper observes that the IPS report serves as an effective deterrent strategy. The IPS does not call out China as an enemy. But, it tries to deter against a range of actors including China by warning that whoever violates the rules-based order in the region would have consequences. Third, the paper maintains that the IPS is an effort by the US to mitigate the risk of a great power war between the US (an established power) and China (a challenging power) because the IPS articulates the United States's willingness to work with China as long as it plays by the rules. There will be challenges to the US and other countries in the region including South Korea particularly because of economic interdependence. However, the paper argues that the IPS stands for an optimistic sign of the future security in the Indo-Pacific region because it is a manifestation of the US for its national will to defend the status quo characterized as Pax Americana which has been maintained since the end of the Second World War. It also argues that South Korea also can, and should make the most of this opportunity by enhancing our capacity in national defense.

• Strategy21
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• s.43
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• pp.89-124
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• 2018

평화를 전쟁의 부재라고 정의할 때 현재 전쟁이 없다면 지금 이 시간은 안전하고 평화로워야 한다. 그러나 지금 현 세상은 비록 공식적으로 선포된 전쟁은 없다고는 하지만 그래도 결코 평화롭다곤 할 수 없을 것이다. 흑해의 크림반도가 노골적인 군사적 침략이 없었지만 결과적으로 러시아의 수중에 떨어졌다. 남중국해의 여러 섬이나 암초들이 정규 군사작전 없이 사실상의 중국의 소유로 기정사실화 되고 있다. 전시 군사적 침략을 통해서만이 확보 가능한 전략적 목표들이 전시도 아니고 그렇다고 평시도 아닌 어중간한 시기에 적 또는 상대의 수중에 떨어지고 있다. 즉, 전시와 평시 사이의 회색지대에서 소위 회색지대전략이라고 부르는 공세적 전역을 통해 이러한 전략적 목표들이 달성되어 지고 있다. 소시지가 너무 커 한입에 다 먹을 수 없으면 잘게 썰어 하나씩 먹으면 결국 전체를 다 먹을 수 있듯이 소규모의 절차적 행동을 단계적으로 실행, 대규모 전투를 통해서만이 확보 가능한 거대하고 중대한 목표를 확보하는 게 회색지대전략의 한 특징이다. 이를 전략적 점진주의(strategic gradualism)라고 한다. 또한 단계적 행동은 누구나 인지할 수 있지만 그러한 점진적 행동의 결과에 대해선 쉽게 간파할 수 없기 때문에 대응자의 입장에선 대부분 특별한 대응책을 세우지 못하고 방치하고 만다는 게 이 전략의 또 다른 특성이다. 즉, 회색지대전략은 특성상 반드시 애매모호성(ambiguity)을 띄고 있다는 것이다. 회색지대에서의 도전자의 행위는 일종의 속임수일 수도 있다. 전략의 본질은 위계, 즉 상대로 하여금 오인, 착각, 부지를 일으키도록 하여 소기의 목적을 달성하는 것이다. 그래서 회색지대전략(gray zone strategy)이라고도 한다. 양육강식의 논리가 작용되는 현실 세계에선 힘이 곧 정의이고 국익이 최고의 선이다. 국가이익은 오직 과정보다는 결과만을 놓고서 정당화된다. 이에 회색지대전략에서도 결과에 대한 유용성만 거론되지 과정상 불법성이나 비도덕성 등은 따지지 않는다. 대부분 이 전략의 애매모호성 때문에 과정 자체를 식별하기가 쉽지 않다. 그래서 대응자의 입장에서도 사전에 예방할 수 있는 선제적 대응전략을 구사하기가 어려운 게 사실이다. 한국도 예외가 아니다. 중국이 해상민병을 이용한 회색지대전략을 구사, 이어도에 대한 도발을 감행할 수도 있다. 일본이 민간 극우파 등을 이용한 회색지대 전략을 구사, 독도에 대한 도발을 감행할 수도 있다. 평화는 거저 존재하지 않는다. 확전을 각오한 사전대비차원의 억지책이 마련되어야 상대의 회색지대전략을 단념시킬 수 있다. 그것도 신뢰성 있는 억지력만이 진정한 평화를 담보할 수 있다. 전략이 있어야 대응계획을 세울 수 있고, 상대는 이럴 때 도발을 단념하게 된다. 대응전략이 없다는 것은 대응계획이 없다는 것을 의미하고, 이러한 무계획은 늘 실패만을 계획하고 있다는 것을 명심해야 할 것이다.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.159-234
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• 2005

As so clearly have been demonstrated in the Gulf War and Iraq Freedom Fight, along with the civilian space exploration and development, the 'militarization' of aerospace technology and the 'battlefield-worthiness' of space are becoming more and more at issue. Korean peninsula, the last major theatre where the 4 world powers' national interests stand face to face, no doubt is in dire need for understanding and organizing necessary legislations for establishing national security from any space threats, such as satellite imaging, as well as countering against such threats. Compare to United States, Japan and China that have already declared the national security as the purpose of the space development, and equipped themselves with necessary legislations, Korea's legislations fall short of fully appreciating and effectively responding to the significance of military use of outer space and its control. This article will review legislations of leading countries' of space law and space technologies from two different perspectives. After briefly summarizing the problems of Korea's current legislations, particularly with the National Space Development Act (proposal), drafted by Ministry of Science and Technology, in mind, this article reviews and offers certain legislative directions to which Korea should pursuel for national security of outer space.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.58
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• pp.107-135
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to compare and analyze the similarities and differences between the security environment, information organization and information activities of Korea and the United States. The comparison will provide insight into Korea and other national intelligence agencies, as well as methodological advances in information research, by providing insight into the overall information and a broad understanding As the history, culture and national power of Korea and the U.S. are different, the organization and activities of intelligence agencies are also different. First of all, in terms of environment, the U.S. carries out intelligence activities for national interest and security in a wide range of areas ranging from North American continental countries to South America, the Middle East, Asia and Asia, while South Korea's intelligence activities are mainly aimed at North Korea and neighboring countries around the Korean Peninsula. In terms of information organization, U.S. intelligence agencies are separate, whereas domestic and foreign intelligence agencies are separate, whereas Korean intelligence agencies are a type of integrated intelligence agency that combines information and investigation, unlike the U.S. In the U.S., the U.S. also operates as an intelligence community, and there are many flexible organizations such as non-tier organizations and centers. Intelligence activities by U.S. intelligence agencies are mainly focused on analysis and overseas processing activities, while Korean intelligence agencies still account for a large portion of domestic information activities. Despite these differences, Korea's intelligence agency was created by imitating U.S. intelligence agencies, and thus has similar aspects in terms of evaluation of security, organization and activities. However, this similarity is shared by all intelligence agencies, so the article will focus on analyzing differences. Finally, for the development of Korean intelligence agencies, the establishment of an intelligence community and efficient control of the National Assembly will be proposed.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.249-266
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• 2014

In South Korea, systems related to the provision of public data were recently implemented. As a result, policy changes have been made that are headed in the direction of actively providing open access to data held by public institutions, such as government agencies and local municipalities. The purpose of the open I will be divided into two broad. To ensure the transparency of government operations, and is intended to satisfy the right to know the people. The other one is to create national interest by utilizing the public data as one country endowment assets. In this study, we analyze the open situation of public data, were presented the improvement measures. Range of research, the public data that local government owns, to determine to have a central information and other limitations and characteristics, Seoul the beginning to the seventeen regional support municipality 228 that you have held for city districts were census. According to the research results, local governments, themselves produced, is a relatively reluctant to disclosure and understanding of the list of public data that are holdings. According to the research results, local governments, themselves produced, is a relatively reluctant to disclosure and understanding of the list of public data that are holdings, also emphasizes the conservative value than take advantage of value have had. Therefore, it was determined that there is a need to resolve several issues through disclosure via a linked data format as a strategy to increase the openness and utilization of local public data.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.37
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• pp.221-246
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• 2013

The purpose of this research is to analyze authority and expertise of internally-selected Director of Presidential Security Service (PSS) through case-studies of the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom, and to provide suggestions as to how to improve the expertise of PSS director and how to make PSS more trusted by the president and citizens. To do so, this study employs qualitative research on various references while acquiring testimonies from an expert group. The result of the research is as follows. First, the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom are categorized as non-authoritative Director of Presidential Security Service. Second the 9th Director of PSS Sang-Bum Park and the 13th Director of PSS Sang-Kuk Yeom are categorized as expert-type Director of Presidential Security Service. It must be acknowledged that the authority of PSS directors does not come from close relationship with president or physical distance, but from legality and professionalism. Therefore, when appointing a person who is in charge of his/her own safety, the president must consider national security and professionalism in order to succeed as a ready president.