• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.138-150
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• 2021

This study aims to understand the background and characteristics of the UK's allotments, as the UK is one of the nations participating in allotment invigoration. This study will focus on approaches to policy, active governance, and socioeconomic impact. To address this, allotment-related issues, policies since the beginning of the 19th century were analysed. In addition to this, Sheffield City, UK, was selected as a specific case to analyse the framework of allotment management, active governance concerning allotment management, and the residents' perceptions of allotments through a questionnaire survey. It was found first that the UK government, since 1806, has been consistently producing localism policies aiming to devolve management authority into local governments, which actively obtain sites for allotments. Secondly, the structure of allotment management formed in active governance leads the overall maintenance, partnership, income generation, and monitoring of the allotments. Interestingly, the structure of the department organisation of local government in Sheffield established the position of community manager, who encourages community invigoration. However, a gap between socioeconomic aspects was found in which the allotment invigoration in lesser deprived areas outweighs the invigoration in more deprived areas. In contrast, according to the questionnaire survey, respondents in more deprived areas were more likely to be involved in allotment activities and the community. The key to addressing the socioeconomic gap in the context of allotment invigoration is the adoption of the Public-Community-Private-Partnership framework. This will be of great importance to longer-term promotion of beneficial allotment practices.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.16 no.2
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• pp.67-99
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• 2010

본 연구는 저탄소녹색성장전략의 분석을 통해 이명박 정부 하에서의 국가-시장-사회관계를 분석하고 있다. 전체적으로 이명박 정부의 정치경제발전모델이 자유주의적임을 부정하기는 어렵지만 순수하게 신자유주의적이라고 보기는 어렵다. 부분적으로 중상주의적 요소가 강하게 남아 있다. 아울러 국가와 시장간의 관계는 원칙적으로는 서로 일정거리를 유지하는 객관적인 성격을 가지고 있으나 녹색산업분야에서는 친산업·친기업적 요소가 강하게 존재하고 있다. 국가-사회관계는 갈등적이고 배제적이다. 이러한 관점에서 볼 때 이명 박정부의 민주주의모델은 법적·제도적인 것이고 참여민주주의적 모델과는 거리를 두고 있다. 결국 사회배제적이고 친산업/친기업적 속성을 내포하는 한 시민사회세력의 반발에 직면하여 지속가능하지 못하게 되는 한계에 봉착하게 될 개연성이 높다.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.23 no.6
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• pp.79-86
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• 2022

This study aims to analyze the research trends on the civic participation in a smart city and to present implications to policy makers, industry professionals and researchers. As rapid urbanization is defining development trend of modern city, urban problems such as transportation, environment, and energy are spreading and intensifying around the city. Countries around the world are introducing smart cities to solve these urban problems and to achieve sustainable development. Recently, many countries are modifying urban planning from top-down to down-up by actively engaging citizens to participate in the urban construction process directly and indirectly. Although the construction of smart cities is being promoted in Korea to solve urban problems, awareness of smart cities and civic participation are low. In order to overcome this situation, discussions on ideas and methods that can increase civic participation in smart cities are continuously being conducted. Therefore, in this study, by collecting publication containing both 'Smart Cities' and 'Participation (Engagement)' in Scopus DB, the topics of related studies were categorized and research trends were analyzed using topic modeling. Through this study, it is expected that it can be used as evidence to understand the direction of civic participation research in smart cities and to present the direction of related research in the future.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.181-198
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• 1997

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.70-86
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• 1987

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.147-156
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• 2017

This research aimed at suggesting the implication of Korean unification education based on German unification education, which country achieved unification from the divided country as Korea. Germany named unification education as the political education. German political education includes democratic citizen education, peace education, and solidarity education between the peoples. Also, besides school unification education, civic organization and parties treat political education. German political education is conducted by being shared with role by main government and several organizations, when the federal government level suggests a big frame. Also, political education with proper content could be conducted suitable for the characteristic of main area and the color of the party and civic organizations. Of course, federal government supports administrative financial support enough on this. In such situation, German people have naturally accepted and developed political education without distance. This situation has lots of implication on Korea. First, systematic system of unification education. In Korea, unification education is conducted mainly by Ministry of Unification and Education Center for Unification. However, in order to naturally approach the people, systematic system synthesizing civic organization, local government, religious organization, and educational local government should be established. Second, 'integration within acknowledgement of diversity'. In Korea, also, diversity should be acknowledged by being suggested by the country with the big frame, and the detailed parts by various institutions and civic organizations as Germany. Third, conversion to integrated education of unification education. Germany is conducting comprehensive education naming unification education as the political education. We also should prepare for coming unification in the near future by complementing the content by converting the mere unification education to comprehensive and integrated education.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.43 no.1
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• pp.154-169
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• 2008

Geography textbooks often have treated the world as a collection of independent nations. Also, many scholars have warned of ethnocentric bias in geography textbooks. Global education that emphasizes world interdependence and pursues global perspectives offers some possibilities to go beyond the status quo of current World Geography textbooks. The primary objective of this study is to analyze current US World Geography textbooks in terms of global education. A secondary objective is to explore a framework for rereading World Geography textbooks critically. This interpretive qualitative case study indicates that US World Geography textbooks maintain an imperialist and American-centered perspective. Especially, the case of Korea shows that other places and people are underrepresented through dichotomy, negative attitude and exclusion, misconception and stereotyping, and simplification in textbooks. Therefore, we need to detect conscious and unconscious fallacy and bias, to understand the world view and experiences of underrepresented people, and to deal with controversial global issues from diverse perspectives through global perspectives and post-colonial perspectives of global education.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.17 no.8
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• pp.27-35
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• 2019

This study is analysed about institutional change of international refugee regime with advent of supernational periods in 21 century. Especially the contents was focused on how the EU countries managed their refugee people and system compared to the Asian counterparts. In the international society, especially EU, the British and German preside the refugee policy and laws very positively so as to enter easily from other countries, however, the Asian countries do not as well like the European countries. In terms of this result, that is based on largely their basic comsiouness and values and norm of world citizenships. This research will be conduceived to erect the new international refugee regime which is related to world citizenships. And this will more help to perform a general international regime than in the past. To conclusion, the research was showed a new refugee paradigm forward between many countries as well.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.1-47
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• 2017

This paper examines how democracy is being taught in secondary school level of Indonesian civic education. For this purpose, this study analyses the textbook contents concerning democracy. First, this study sets the freedom, the right, the unity and the stability as key words and analyzes the characteristic of describing democracy by looking at how each keyword is explained in the textbook. The result of analysis shows that democracy of Indonesia can be described as "Pancasila democracy" and textbooks have tendency to relatively emphasize 'the unity', and 'the stability' by differentiating themselves from "liberal democracy" and "liberalism." The freedom in textbook can be interpreted in the context of organic-statism that state and interests of state have the ascendancy over individuals. This viewpoint is based on the historical contexts of Indonesia. However, when textbook describes about Indonesian democracy and its values, they deal with contents of democratic principles, "the freedom of opposition", "the negative freedom", and natural rights. And the study interprets the existence of the two contrasting concepts - relative emphasis on the unity of state and the statement about the importance of individual rights and the freedom - in the textbook as a logical tension in transitional process of traditional organic-statism. Second, the study examines educational contents in accordance with the method of description in textbook. It has been found that there are logical tension and fallacy in describing the principle of fundamental concepts and applicate that concepts into Indonesia case. Also, when describing Marsinah and Munir case, there are some parts distorted and overlooked the facts. On the other hand, the gaps between the explanation in textbook and reality can be pointed out. This study which examined textbook and contents of the rights of the individual is an introductory study on textbook, education and democracy for development of Indonesia and their education.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.148-156
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• 2016

Party is the main factor in modern country. Therefore, there are a lot of articles about the difference of public policies and citizen's recognition according to their supported party. However, there is few research about the regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. This study focuses on the differences of a regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. In result, there are a lot of differences of regulation recognition according to citizen's supported party. The people who support Saenuri Party have a positive recognition about a necessity of regulation, a fairness of regulation, a reliability of a regulation. But the people who don't support Saenuri Party have a negative recognition about those. In Korea, government regulations have a lot of relationship with a party and politics.