• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.137-159
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• 2012

This is a dissertation about the state and cable television industry relationship during the early days of Kim Dae-Jung administration(1998.2-2000.1) in Korea. This study adopted historical approach and methodology of archival research. Offe's state theories of reproduction of late capitalism and the concept of Korean patriarchal state-led capitalism were suggested in this paper. Offe argued that the goal of the late capitalist state is successful capital accumulation and democratic legitimation with bureaucratic rationalization. For this purpose, the state intervenes market structuring by various plans and national policies. The Kim Dae-Jung administration reorganized cable television market with neo-liberalistic strategies and corporatist forms of policy-making. The government negotiated capitalists and civil society for managing capitalistic economy and cable television market in a horizontal relationship. Successful consequences of the market growth resulted in generating mass loyalty. The former administrations to the contrary, invisibly arranged state-led capitalism was an only alternative to the Kim Dae-Jung administration. The Korean state-led capitalism evolved gradually into different forms.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

이 논문은 선진민주주의 국가의 선거경쟁에서 제시되는 정당 매니페스토 자료와 사회정책 자료를 사용하여 국가별 정당 간 입장의 차이, 정부당파성과 복지국가의 관계, 그리고 복지국가 이슈에 관한 정당양극화의 문제에 대해 경험적 분석을 제시한다. 이 논문의 분석이 제시하는 바는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 선진민주주의 국가의 주요 좌우파 정당 간 사회정책 입장의 차이는 국가별로 편차를 보인다. 복지국가 이슈와 관련한 정당양극화의 정도는 기존 복지국가 체계의 특성, 선거제도, 또는 선거경쟁에서 나타나는 복지국가 이슈의 유형에 따라 다른 것으로 보인다. 둘째, 집권정당의 당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향을 확인할 수 있다. 셋째, 정당이 복지국가에 미치는 영향이 제한적이거나 혹은 제도적 맥락에 조건지어진다는 점을 고려할 필요가 있다. 어쩌면 정당 및 정부당파성이 복지국가에 미치는 영향은 협의제 민주주의(consensus democracies) 유형의 국가들보다는 다수제 민주주의(majoritarian democracies) 유형의 국가들에서 더 뚜렷하게 나타나는 것인지도 모른다. 넷째, 정당의 정책입장의 변화는 경쟁하는 주요정당의 정책변화에 영향을 받기도 한다. 또한 이슈유형에 따라 위치이슈와 합의이슈로 구분할 수 있는데, 각 국가별 선거경쟁과 복지국가 논의는 다양한 형태를 가지면서 진행된다.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.39-67
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• 2018

The Korean welfare state has achieved remarkable development during the last two decades, but simultaneously we have witnessed growing prevalent social conflicts and exclusion in the society. This research argues that the source of current problems lies in the nature of the Korean welfare regime, so called, 'paternalistic liberalism'. The paternalistic liberalism has been formulated by the combination of legacies of the developmental state and neo-liberalism. Paternalism with the growth-oriented and employment-centered approach has been a significant factor to restrict individuals' freedom and happiness in the Korean welfare state. It has also been embedded in the Korean welfare state such as social insurance, workfare programs, and centralized social services. In this context, this research proposes social liberalism, pursuing real freedom for all, as a new paradigm for the Korean welfare state. Breaking from the old path, Freecurity, combining freedom and security, which is argued to be the upgraded version of flexicurity, is also newly proposed as the operating model of social liberalism.

• Science of Emotion and Sensibility
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.79-90
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• 2010

This study is aimed to compare cross-cultural individualism, and consider an influence of nationality, gender and age on individualistic propensity. The survey data include 271 Chinese, 251 Japanese, 262 Netherlander and 267 Korean. The result of factor analysis, four factors named independent action, profit and opinion, indifference on other and will, were found out. The result of comparison on nationality, Netherlander and Japanese has a strong individualistic propensity, and Korean has a remarkable collective propensity. Chinese were middle grade among 4 countries. It can be said that certain factors correlated with a certain country, because Netherlander's answer on questions belonged to profit and opinion factor were highest, and Japanese's one belonged to indifference on other were highest. On gender, Man was more individualistic better than woman. On age, twenties has strong collective propensity better than other age groups. The number of significant difference on comparison among countries is 21 in 21 questions, but the number on gender or age is 6 or 7. Therefore, it can be said that nationality (or culture) is most useful variable to grasp individualism.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.38
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• pp.309-335
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• 1999

The purpose of this study is to classify welfare regimes using the method of qualitative comparative analysis(QCA). By formalizing the logic of qualitative analysis, QCA makes it possible to bring the logic and empirical intensity of qualitative approaches to studies that normally call for the use of quantitative methods. In QCA each case is conceived holistically, as a configuration of conditions, not a collection of scores on variables. Major findings of this study are as follows. Firstly, major explanations for welfare state differences are partly supported. Indicators relevant to each explanation can appear to be important only if other causal conditions are considered. For example, in the interventionist welfare states, high GDP per capita must be combined with the weakness of the Right and ethnic homogeneity. Otherwise, it can't discern interventionist from liberalist welfare states. Secondly, the equation for the interventionist welfare states includes multiple causal conjunctures. Many studies of welfare state find the same results. The third main finding is that IDV(individualism index) which is proxy for the weakness of informal network matters. Combining with other variables, IDV seems to be important in explaining the emergence of Confucian welfare states.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2001

This paper is to examine what implications the regionalism in Spain has for its national development during the last two centuries. Since the beginning of the nineteenth century the regionalism (including territorial nationalisms in periphery) has played a central role in the history of Spanish state-formation. On the one hand, a strong regional identity was related to a structural weakness affecting Spanish nation-building and accused of forging the separatist national movements in the Basque, Catatonia Galicia and so on. On the other hand, the regionalism has contributed to enforcing the Spanish national consciousness in complex and contradictory ways. Therefore, on the contrary to our common understandings of regionalism, the Spanish regionalism has both enforced and counteracted the Spanish nationalism. In the late 1970s after the collapse of Franco regime, the long history of the Spanish regionalism resulted in a state system based on the regional political decentralization.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.79-87
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• 2014

Universalism and selectivism about welfare polices are a point at issue that is being discussed consistently. This issue is mainly discussed as the object of political selection because the selection of welfare polices are thought of discretionary powers. But welfare policies are issue of the constitutional value order. Therefore studies are need in this viewpoint. Accordingly this paper studied the aim of welfare policies to be based of social state ideology. Therefore this paper found the adequacy of selective universalism. Furthermore, This paper shows a distinguishing standard to select the welfare policies in selective universalism.

• Industry Promotion Research
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.43-49
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• 2022

This study aims to study Esping-Anderson's theory of welfare state system, develop a model of welfare state suitable for Korea's situation, and apply it to reality. In this research method, basic research and analysis of ideology is used, focusing on Esping-Anderson's welfare state system theory, and applying it appropriately to the Korean situation. Studies on the model of the welfare state have been studied after the classification of complementary and institutional models asserted by Willensky and Lebo in 1965. In addition, Esping-Andersen asserts three things as a model of the welfare state according to ideology. First, the role of the market is central to the liberal welfare system that best fits the image of classical capitalism, and individualistic solidarity through the market. The role of the state or family, which can be a hindrance, is actually marginalized. In addition, in order to maximize individualistic solidarity through the market, de-commodification in the national domain tends to be minimized. Second, the conservative welfare system has a strong familistic element, so the source of social solidarity is the family, and the state plays a role of supporting and supplementing the characteristics of this family. In the conservative system, de-commodification appears to be high among household heads, or the welfare system takes on a corporatist and nationalistic form, it can be said that these characteristics are reflected. Third, in the social democratic welfare system, the source of social solidarity is the state. Therefore, the role of the state is large, the state has a high possibility of decommodification, and it has the characteristics of substitutes for the family and the market through universalist intervention. This study applies Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models to study a model suitable for the Korean situation. In conclusion, Esping-Anderson's three welfare state models can be classified into a market-oriented model based on a liberal welfare system, a status-oriented model based on a conservative corporatist welfare system, and a solidarity-oriented model based on a social-democratic welfare system, presented a compromise between liberalism and conservatism as a Korean model.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.146
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• pp.193-217
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• 2018

Following the lead of Isaiah Berlin, many liberals favor a negative conception of liberty because it limits the amount of interference and coercion that the state has in individual's lives. Such moves leave individuals to place value on their life choices or step back and revise them if desired. It is one thing, however, to argue that modern republicanism characterized by liberty as non-domination contains an alternative conception of liberty.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.91-124
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• 2007

이 논문은 우리나라의 물리학, 화학, 생물학 분야의 과학자들을 대상으로 한 설문조사를 바탕으로 머튼이 과학자사회의 규범구조로 정식화한 네 가지 규범들-보편성, 공유성, 탈이해관계, 조직화된 회의-과 국가주의 가치관이 실제 과학자사회에서 어느정도 작동하고 있는지를 분석하였다. 전반적으로 응답자들은 한국 과학자사회에서 출신대학과 해외학위라는 귀속적 지위의 영향으로 보편성 규범이 제대로 작동하지 않는 것으로 평가했고, 여성의 경우 성의 영향도 큰 것으로 평가하고 있었다. 공유성과 탈이해관계 규범의 경우 한편으로 공유성과 탈이해관계라는 전통적인 규범이 그리고 다른 한편으로는 비밀주의와 연구주제 선정에 있어서 산업적 응용성과 국가적 필요를 강조하는 국가주의적 가치가 공존하고 있었다. 조직화된 회의 규범의 경우 특히 과학적 증거 이외의 다른 권위들에 대해 회의적인 태도를 견지해야 한다는 규범이 제대로 작동되지 않는다는 평가가 대다수였다. 과학자사회의 규범과 가치에 대한 평가는 각 과학자들의 연구환경에 따라 상이한 모습을 보여주는데 특히 젊은 세대의 과학자들이 보편성과 조직화된 회의 규범의 위반을 더 강도 있게 지적하는 반면 연구 주제의 선정에 있어서 탈이해관계 규범은 부정하는 경향을 보여주고 있다.