• KOMUNHWA
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• no.68
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• pp.59-75
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• 2006

At the beginning of the 21st century with taking a serious view of the harmony between human and nature, and of keeping an ecological balance, China has tried to reduce the gap in economy between rural districts and the urban city, and to carry out the policies for establishing a harmonious socialism through full-scale cooperation and continuous developments. And in order to preserve their traditional culture and to keep the historical legitimacy of People's Republic of China against urgent economical changes since the reform and openness, China has stressed the importance of training patriotic attitude on their cultural heritages. Thus the Chinese museums started to recognize more ad more the importance of social education as well as their functions of preserving the cultural property and of exhibiting it. And with them they have turned their attentions to an Ecomuseum, a new type of a museum. The ecomuseum in China was first established at a remote place between mountains where the ethnic minority inhabited. This was because of the feeling of some crises on culture native to the minority, followed by the process of China's Western Region Development. And it was recognized that they should participate actively in creating the cultural demand of the minority and in establishing a harmonious society with improving economic condition. Therefore in order to activate the ecomuseum it is localized and sinicized little by little through strengthening the management of cultural heritages of the minority.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.309-330
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• 2010

This paper examines the life-cycle and birth cohort effect on East Asian supranational identity. This paper also explores how national identity is related with supranational identity among Koreans. Using the 2008 CCGA-EAI survey, we analyze the determinants of supranational East Asian identity. The results suggest several interesting findings. Age and national identity have positive effects on East Asian identity. Among generational cohorts, the democratization cohort were less likely than other cohorts to have East Asian identity. These findings suggest several implications. First, in Korea, unlike other countries in the Western world, the older tend to have stronger regional identity than the younger do. Second, unlike the existing literature, this paper finds that strong national identity (pride) is complementary, rather than substitutive, to supranational regional identity. This warrants further systematic research on the microfoundation on the relationship between regional integration and nationalism in Northeast Asia.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.50-72
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• 2010

The purpose of this study was to investigate representation of media on Korean controversial historical incidents and its myth and ideology. Especially the authors paid attention to the MBC-TV Documentary which had dealt with many controversial issues in Korean society. Those issues had never been dealt by other Korean media before it began to do. Three episodes about the South-North Korea related issues were selected as main object of this study and were analyzed with various semiotic research methods, especially, paradigmatic analytical method, narrative analytic method and mythical analytic method. As a main result of this study, it was found that the Documentary tended to represent such controversial historical issues very differently from the previous representations of old newspapers'. Th e old newspapers tried to establish old myths; that is, 'myth of national crisis', 'myth of anti-communism', 'myth of scapegoat of college students', 'myth of intelligent agency's monopoly', 'myth of social stablization', etc, while the documentary changed to build up new myths; that is, 'myth of humanities', 'myth of peaceful unification', 'myth of freedom and democracy', 'myth of human rights, etc.' In short, it was concluded that the documentary was able to change some previous myths and ideologies through its changing representations.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.34 no.5
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• pp.507-516
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• 1999

More than twenty-five major international bodies of water bear the names of particular nations or states. Many of these are not names are widely accepted, but considerable disagreement has developed in some cases. A systematic examination of the level of conflict over the use of national names for international bodies of water indicates that conflict is most likely to develop where shifting power relations among interested states produce concern about the hegemonic ambitions of the state after which the body of water is named. This is the case in the three situations where considerable contention exists over the use of a national name for an international body of water: the Persian Gulf/Arabian Sea, the Sea of Japan/East Sea, and the South China SealBien Dong. Cases evidencing little contention are those where either no state has a significant interest in the naming issue, or where the name that is attached to the body of water is that of a state that has not been a historic threat to others in the region. Naming international bodies of water after nations or states is potentially problematic because such appellations can connote ownership or control by a single people or political entity. An understanding of the controversies surrounding these place names requires consideration of the geopolitical context in which they are embedded.

• Journal of the KSME
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• v.23 no.3
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• pp.153-156
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• 1983

최근 격변하고 있는 국제해운동정을 볼 때 정치적 측면에서 흔히 남북문제로 일컬어지고 있는 선후진국간을 치열한 경쟁문제, 공산국상선대의 활발한 진출, 각국의 자국선 보호주의의 강화문 제등이 산적해 있으며 선대절약형 경제성있는 선박으로 전환되고 있으며 대체에너지 개발에 따른 LNG, LPG,석탄전용선이 유망분야로 지목되어 선진해운국들은 서서히 이 분야로 선대편성을 시도하고 있는 점등, 국제해운환경은 복잡다난한 양상을 띄고 있는 것이다. 이러한 추세하에 1979년 제 2차 석유파동이후 격심한 불황속에 있는 해운계의 실정으로 미루어 이에 대처하기란 용이한 과제가 아닌 것이다. 여기에 정부와 업계가 혼연일체가 되어 국제경쟁력제고를 위한 제 발전전략이 적극 검토 추진되어야 함은 물론이고 우리의 목표가 기필코 달성되어 민족의 번영과 복지국가건립의 소망이 성취되기를 회원 여러분과 함께 기대하는 바이다.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.73-107
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• 2020

Daesoon Jinrihoe tends to be perceived as a 'nationalistic religion' by both internal members of the religious body and outside scholars of religious studies. However, the character of this particular nationalistic religion is rather complex. On top of emphasizing the special status of the Korean ethnic group while focusing on nationalism as a nationalistic religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe futrther asserts an implication of the universality of world religion aiming to bring relief to humankind and the world. This dynamic is one of the specificity of nationalistic religion and also the universality of world religion. However, this dual logic of specificity and universality is not characteristic of only Daesoon Jinrihoe. Many religions in the world have also exhibited duplicity as nationalistic religions and world religions. And this thesis pays attention to Sectarian Shinto as it formed in modern Japan. Kyoha Shinto formed when the modern Japanese government established the national Shinto system which had a total of 13 sects. Most of them do not only call themselves a nationalistic religion, inheriting the ethnic tradition of Japanese people, but also jump into overseas missionary work. This started during the Sino-Japanese and Russo-Japanese Wars. With that in mind, how did the overseas missionary work of Sectarian Shinto aspire for status as a world religion while maintaining their identities as nationalistic religions? Furthermore, how did their movements fare in their efforts to become world religions? Thus, this thesis aims to examine the possibility Daesoon Jinrihoe becoming a world religion through some cases of Sectarian Shinto that showed the duplicity as nationalistic religions and world religions. Also, this thesis makes suggestions regarding the future direction of Daesoon Jinrihoe. As such, this paper aims to review the new direction of Daesoon Jinrihoe as it stands on the borderline between being a nationalistic religion and a world religion. This is done by examining the historical flow of theory regarding 'nationalistic religion' or 'minjung religion' which have long been discussed in Korean society. Also examined is the case of Won Buddhism which likewise aims to simultaneosuly be both a nationalistic religion in Korea and a world religion abroad.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.23
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• pp.5-32
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• 2005

The life of man is being changed with the changes of the times. The man struggles to enjoy the blessing of peace and lives as a member of a nation. So he has the national characteristics. In that national characteristics is the national emotion. From the emotion the national poetry is created. The poetry has the conventional form. This form is regarded as Sijo(時調). The Sijo was prescribed as the organization three sections. But this prescription is false. This form is the organization of five sections. When the false prescription is corrected, we have our conventional poetry form and create our own poems.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.2 no.1 s.3
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• pp.85-105
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• 2002

This is to review the nature of Korean science and technology policy based on the concept of policy ideas. According to the institutional theory, policy ideas are composed of the beliefs on both principle and causal relations concerning policy behaviors. Policy ideas influence science and technology policy considerably because they are embodied by policy-makers and embedded in government institutions such as decision-making rules and procedures. Recently, promoting industrial competitiveness is a leading policy idea in Korea's science and technology policy. It means that the science and technology policy is influenced mainly by economic interests rather than by civic interests. Though the economic value of science and technology may not easily underestimated, the negative external effects such as environmental degradation and technological risks should not be neglected. Therefore, in developing science and technology policy, much efforts should be made to consider both the policy idea of industrial competitiveness and the new one of quality of life in a balanced way. It means that civil society should be allowed to have more access to policy process in the area of science and technology than before.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.151-178
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• 2014

Highly Differentiated and segmented social insurance scheme in Taiwan shows its salient dimension of stratification, which has been considered as a general feature of conservative welfare regime. However, compared to Western conservative welfare states, Taiwan's social insurance scheme shows a distinct feature. First, Taiwan's social insurance scheme has offered a full coverage for various benefits. Secondly, Labor Insurance and Government employees' Insurance reveal distinct features of stratification. Labor Insurance has developed a universalistic system based on status equality and cross-class solidarity of working classes while Government employees' Insurance includes a myriad of occupational- and status-based programs. This article aims to articulate the historical origin of Taiwan's unique social insurance scheme and explains it as an unintended result of state's political intervention and various interests of each insured groups, especially, politically, economically, and ethnically conflicting identities of government employees and working classes.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.237-266
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• 2010

This thesis is to check whether the modernization, promoted mainly in 1960-1970 of Korea may have the relations with Confucian values or have a gap between this and that, and have the question about the idea of the appearance of modernity under Park Jung-hee's government, which is based on the viewpoint that Confucianism would have been made ill use of or have contribution to the nation-directing modernity, especially to the modernization of people. In a sense this thesis demands the overcome of the modern ills such as social dichotomy, leaving out matters of locals, and neglecting the diversities and singularities of creatures, resulted from efficiencies and uniformity caused by nation-centralism. At first Confucianism have represented humanism with a view to finding the mean between the two of locals, affairs, and men. As such it has seek to find centrality, which means my real mind for meeting outward things or the optimum as the mean, the best state between of the two. The political doctrines modified from Confucian learnings including chung, hyo, samgang, and oryun worked as the mechanism for finding nation-directing modernity. As a result we have lived in the modernity, strengthened by nation-centralism. And the leading concepts in related with Neo-Confucianism had people lose their spaces of desire for their own future or got them to be narrow. Accordingly the modernization of Korea means not an integral space in which we can achieve what we want in various aspects, but a deficient space to be complemented, resulted from the centralization of all conditions of life, dichotomous way of approaching matters by nation-centralism, far from being the essence of Confucianism. In the end the rapid modernization by the leaders in Korea has given rise to the concentration politics, economy, and so forth on Seoul as the center. Then we should deeply reflect the deficiency state of centralism like this and how Confucianism would have been responsible for it and will give how to relieve the unequal centralism of nation. Now for this matter we would like to expect our study in the future.v