• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.4 no.2
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• pp.123-130
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• 2018

Storytelling is a compound of two words, 'story' and 'telling'. While the static aspect of 'story' has been emphasized, the dynamic and specific aspect of telling has been ignored. So, in the argument of 'storytelling', it is necessary to break from talking about 'story' and discuss the matter in terms of 'telling' and 'interaction'. In order to accept this need, the term 'Traditional Storytelling' is coined to engage 'oral-storytelling situation' more actively. When 'storytelling' is expressed by a storyteller, it can be referred to 'traditional storytelling', called 'oral performance'. In fact, the storytelling, which has a long history, originated from oral storytelling such as 'oral narration'. It is natural that our current storytelling isn't the same storytelling of an oral period, but the traditional storytelling casts a few crucial viewpoints to us these days when 'telling' has a significant meaning. In the first place, it is 'reflexivity' that we should note in the form of traditional 'storytelling'. It is a kind of self-reference which means reflecting and looking back at oneself in the form of narration. Through this reflexivity, the storytelling is affected by the site of telling and an aspect of one-off thing very frequently. Another point we need to note is a frame. Through this frame, the traditional storytelling come to hold time and space of narration.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.143-150
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• 2022

The folk language that lives and breathes in modern works does not just come from old stories, but it is a personal narrative which is based on the experiences of the narrator. Like many genres in oral literature, most of these personal narratives occur from the impulse of communicating and reinventing rather than from the impulse of creating. Compared to traditional folktales, stories about an individual's experiences, such as personal narratives are often performed by adding the individual tendencies of the narrator. In so doing, the phenomenon of "processing the experience by estimating it and reinterpreting the memories roughly" occurs, and this is a significant factor in making the oral literature. However, the question that arises here is: How can we deal with these significant elements that are inevitably captured when performed orally? Text linguistics, the main methodology of this paper, implies the possibility of expressing the impromptu elements of oral literature. Also, textual linguistic analysis of personal narratives provides the possibility of discussing oral characteristics from various angles which have been difficult to analyze, such as on-site atmosphere, speaker mistakes, contradictions in stories, and audience reactions. Hence, it is possible to effectively discuss oral-poetics in oral literature which are based on the one-off of 'words', the 'roughness' of the on-site atmosphere, and the stackability of the 'wisdom of crowds'. Furthermore, it is expected to contribute to the study of personal narrative storytelling that plays an important part in Veabal art in community culture.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.409-417
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• 2020

Oral-Performance in itself, which successfully narrates one's life, constitutes a kind of decent Verbal arts. The term 'Sijipsali-Narrative' refers to oral narratives portraying a series of events in the course of Women's Life-Story which arise from family life and socio-cultural issues through marriage. As a result, Sijipsali-Narrative belongs to a subcategory of Women's Life-Story. Sijipsali-Narrative can be divided into two categories as follow. One type of Sijipsali-Narrative is the 'Family-Connection sijipsali-narrative,' which results from the relationship between a daughter-in-law and the rest members of the family. Among the 'Family-Connection sijipsali-narratives,' including several forms of Sijipsali such as that of father-in-law and that of husband and that of children, Sijipsali of the mother-in-law is most distinctive. The other type of Sijipsali-Narrative is 'Sociocultural-Connection Sijipsali-narrative', which comes not from human relationship but from general issues a narrator is suffering from as a daughter-in-law in a family. The most universal narrative comes from Sijipsali connected with poverty and historical events, and family history, appearance, attitude of the daughter-in-law and so on can be materials for the narratives. Actually, the two types of Sijipsali narrative is not so much distinguished from each other as intermingled with each other. Sijipsali arising from family relationship can inevitably be related with poverty and some events, which result in conflicts among family members and so harass daughter-in-laws. This thesis has a clear-cut orientation to overview the aspects of the Relationships and Hardships on a 'Sijipsali' Narratives in Korean Women's Married Life.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.157-186
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• 2018

Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.63-103
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• 2011

This paper inquires closely into the background of pansori gosu(drummer) and his social position based on documents and oral materials and the performance features of gosu in the entire process of pansori performance, 'preparation', 'performance' and 'aftermath', focused on the relationship between the changja(singer)-gosu. In the past, some gosus were ex-tightrope performers. Their social position and working conditions were better than that of the ex-tightrope performers but were worse than that of the pansori singer. After 1910's, people formed some special sense about the gosu due to the change of the space for pansori performances and the technological advances on the media, and gosu's conditions improved. The theory of pansori drum gradually began to be established well. The function and the role of gosu in the whole process of pansori performance may be summarized as follows. To begin with, the training with various and a lot of singers is required in the 'preparation'. Rehearsals are divided into individual practices and joint practices, and the latter can be controlled by the level of the capacity of gosu and the degree of the experience between chanja-gosu. Next, bobiwi(flattering drumming) and chuimsae(encouraging remarks) are important in tbe 'process'. The gosu has to share the speed of one jangdan(rhythmic patterns) and the accent of the sori and adjust his enery. Besides, he has to acknowledge the naedeureum(beginning sign) and reply with changja's singing. In formal performances, working in harmony with changja and gosu and their joint experiences are necessary for the gosu; in pansori contests, giving chanja a stability; in contests for gosu, drumming skill, position, chuimsae; in small performances and new adaptation of pansori, cheap fees and positive response of the transformational play or ad-lib; in lecturer concerts, reacting quickly to rapidly changing situations. Chuimsae is way which gosus and audiences express their feeling together, however, its context and sound are different. Finally, 'aftermath' is a process the pair of chamgja and gosu mutually evaluates about performance or audiences estimate that.