• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.839-847
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• 2017

Korean public service broadcasting(PSB) is facing identity crisis and debate on improving PSB governance. In order to analyze the causes of the crisis of PSB, We attempted to typify the constituent factors of governance of PSB based on the perception of public service broadcasting employees and media professionals. The results of the study are summarizes as follows. First, PSB' governance is typified by four factors such as market influence, political influence, professionalism, and guarantee of PSB system. Secondly, it is analyzed that only political influence among PSB governance factors has a significant effect on the perception of crisis of PSB. Thirdly, it is analyzed that the way of constituting the KBS board and the ratio of personnel have a meaningful influence on 'political influence'. The results of this study confirm that Korean PSB needs to improve the governance structure of PSB away from political influence in order to secure the legitimacy and identity.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.22
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• pp.7-38
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• 2003

This study is primarily concerned with the discussion about the crisis of Korean Public Service Broadcasting within the context of changing media environment. The study firstly attempts to explain the causes of current problems of Public Service Broadcasting in general, and categorizes the patterns of Western countries' reactions to cope with the problems. Secondly, the present study deals with the case of Korean Public Service Broadcasting. This paper argues that Korean Public Service Broadcasters have adopted four salient strategies: 1) They have tried to achieve high program ratings based on non-distinctive programming; 2) They have preferred the commercial advertising revenues as the primary financial resource; 3) They have attempted to expand their social power while exploiting their program contents; 4) Finally, they have tried to be a sole player in the decision making process, independent from all the other social forces such as the state, capital, and the civil organizations. This study suggests that four strategies should be reconsidered because those are far from the original ideas of Public Service Broadcasting.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.41
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• pp.268-302
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• 2008

This paper analyzes an NHK's 'Performances of Reform and Revival'. As a result of analysis, it was focused on reinforcement of the management such as audit, corporate governance, compliance, and thus the accountability was insufficient. Generally speaking, public service broadcasting is the form of organization of mass media that is most directly accountable to society. Therefore, the efforts is required for public service broadcasting to figure out to endow the social roles and responsibilities to themselves differentiated from other commercial broadcasters. And it is necessary that the concrete systems and activities based on an answerability model so that public broadcasters fulfill the accountability. Answerability means that broadcasting organizations and journalists both take account of and are accountable to the public. In such a process, the positive and voluntary civic participation is indispensable.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.3-25
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• 2022

The governance structure of public broadcasters is the hottest topic in domestic media policy. This study examines the flow of discussions by period by synthesizing the research literature on the governance structure of domestic public broadcasting since 2000. As a result, active discussion on the governance structure of public broadcasting was confirmed to have appeared following the conservative governments after 2008, derived from the "crisis theory of public broadcasting." In addition, the discussion was conducted centered on the public values of public broadcasting and direction of system improvement, political independence of public broadcasting, composition of the board of directors, and presidential election system. This study suggested that future discussions on the governance structure of public broadcasting should expand the existing discussion of political independence to encompass the values, responsibilities, and systems of public broadcasting that presuppose citizen participation.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.189-224
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• 2017

The case of 'Paik Jong-moon's Taped Conversation,' has presented "an important and serious challenge to the freedom of the press and democracy" in South Korea. Nevertheless, this case has not been reported by the mainstream news media. It has also been forgotten without a proper fact-finding or investigation by regulatory agencies, like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission, or The National Assembly. This study aims to examine why the above has happened through in-depth interviews of reporters and TV producers, senior journalists, former and incumbent commissioners of the broadcasting regulatory agencies, and experts of the industry, as well as literature research. Here, I present three answers. First, I found two reasons the mainstream press has ignored this incident. 1) It serves for political interests instead of reporting truth. 2) Public broadcasters' watchdog role has been neutralized. Second, regulatory agencies like The Foundation for Broadcast Culture, The Korea Communications Commission and The National Assembly are ruled by political tribalism. The ruling party's members of the National Assembly and these agencies were reluctant to investigate allegations surrounding Paik Jong-moon, such as illegal dismissals, illegal intervention in programming or production, illegal recruitment and illegal business deals. That's because they considered CEO Paik an ally. Using their majority power, they have rejected the request from opposition-affiliated commissioners or from opposition lawmakers to investigate the allegations. Third, there were no alternative forces within the public broadcasters to unveil the truth. In conclusion, the legal and institutional shake-up of corporate governance is urgently needed for public broadcasters and broadcasting regulatory agencies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.60
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• pp.5-27
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to explore the journalist Song Kun-Ho's ideas of Korean Journalism. The journalist Song Kun-Ho was born in 1926 and passed away in 2001. He became a reporter in 1953 when he was a student at department of law of Seoul National University. He has worked for several media and resigned the executive editor at the Dong Ah Ilbo in 1975. At that time, while many reporters of the Dong Ah Ilbo struggled for the freedom of the press, he tried to protect reporters and independence of media. After his resignation of the executive editor, he wrote many columns and several books for Korean nationalism and the democracy of journalism. Instead of working for the authoritarian military regime, he chose a lonely and rough life as an intellectual journalist in action. Finally, he, as a president, established the Hankyoreh daily newspaper which was funded by tens of thousands citizens. He passed away in 2001. His ideas of Korean journalism are nationalism, democracy, and independency. These ideas are very important to restore democratic journalism which has been at risk during the Lee Myung-bak administration.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.57
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• pp.250-266
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• 2012

In neo-liberalism, the change-value of the market and of the machandise based on the individual as the consumer dominate the public sphere, and the capital power encroach on it. with the technological revolution. At the same time the public sphere as such represent the media sphere, which is more and more subordinate, and have no choice but to do to the governmental authority having political power privatized. The private usage of reason in the public sphere is carried out at the structual level. How can we call such a space in which the private usage of reason is generalized and dominant as the public sphere? And so now, we sound out the possibility of the public sphere such as a new space of the universality where the public usage of reason can be realized without any limits and with free. So, when we imagine the proletarian public sphere, in which co-exist the divers private interests, as a new public sphere capable to be constructed, we can address a question as follow. What is the caracteristic of the proletarian public sphere in modern society?, Is the public community able to be formed and realized in such space? How would have the proletarian public sphere the carateristics of the publis sphere? What is the attribute of the community that the proletarian public sphere would make, and what is its force of emancipation? The power is no longer stable and static. Rather, it is reconstructed and reorganized in the divers phases of the everyday life. It is the reason why we put on the order of the day the proletarian public sphere as alternative public space, which would be a place of divers hegemonic representation. And now, we are aware of the beginning of thses changes.