• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.89-96
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• 2013

This study aims to clarify the transformation of urban spatial structure around old castle in cheong-ju city. The urban spatial structure is composed with road system, block division, and lot system with original cadastral map in 1913 and 2011 GIS. Transformation of road system is classified into control of road line, construction and extension of road. Construction of arterial road was divided into Nam-juro and Mang-sunro with 2 blocks and lot system was destoyed. Transformation of block has not been developed except 4 blocks. The 4 blocks were divided into east-west or north-south direction and became 8 blocks. Transformation of lot system is classified into maintained, subdivided, and destroyed lots in shape and size of lots. Maintained lots were found in large lot in size for public office and park. Subdivided lots were mainly represented with the existing main road, an active alleys, and so on. Destroyed lots by road construction and extension were showed in Nam-juro. Although all these transformations are used to enhance urban spatial structure. The old systems have remained around old castle in cheong-ju city.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.3
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• pp.84-94
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• 2015

This study is to examine how the admiration for Chutzu(朱子)'s achievement while he was preaching his policies after renouncing the world in Wuyi-Gugok(武夷九曲), Mt. Wuyi and Joseon-style transformation culture were unfolded and developed through Gugok management cases such as position, name, poetic diction, Jungsa(精舍) architecture and engraving of Muyi-Gugok set in Mt. Gugok, Snacheong. The results were as follows: Myungam(明庵) Jeong Sik(鄭拭, 1683~1746)'s Muyi-Gugok, which consists of Suhongkyo(垂虹橋, gok 1) - Oknyeobong(玉女峰) - Nhongwhaldam(弄月潭) - Nacwhadam(落花潭) - Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) - Gwangpyungryea(光風瀨) - Jaewhaldae(霽月臺) - Gorooam(鼓樓巖) - Wharyongpok(臥龍瀑, gok 9) is the representative case where Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok was exactly copied and fulfilled to the Joseon Dynasty. In a large frame, Gugok Wonlim culture, Myungam's Muyi-Gugok management has a will of succession of Dotong(道統) through admiration for Chutzu in a rigid way. Another name of Mt. Gugok is Mt. Muyi and Gugok's name is Muyi-Gugok and the residence existed between gok 4 and gok 5. In addition, the name of Jeongsa for Gugok management is also 'Muyi Jeongsa(武夷精舍)' and Gugok name and contents of Poetry are also similar and all of these are clear evidence that Myungam tries to copy Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok to Mt. Gugok. Also, Gugok set before Myungam were located in Mt. Gugok and among them, verified four Gugok names are corresponded to those of Chutzu's Wuyi-Gugok and it tells that conforming behavior as one of admiration ways for Chutzu already arrived at Mt. Gugok before Myungam and this was an oppotunty to widen Mt. Gugok Muyi-Gugok's tradition and horizon. Also, considering that Myungam's gok 6, Gwangpyungryea and gok 7, Jewoldae are names from 'Gwangpungjewol(光風霽月)' Based on Chutzu's poem and they are closely related to Joseon's classical scholar spirit, they are associated with Joseon-style transformation of Chutzu's Muyi-Gugok. Meanwhile, gok 5 'Daeeunbyeong' was transformed to 'Nangaam(爛柯巖)' in gok 5 - "Deoksan-Gugok(德山九曲) of Jooko(竹塢) Ha Beom-Woon(河範運, 1792~1858) and those characters's engravings are handed down. In "Pome of Deoksan Gugok" transformed from Myungam's Muyi-Gugok, respect and admiration for Chutzu is weaken while Ha Beom-Woon admires Nammyeong(南冥) Cho shik(曺植, 1501~1572), a symbolic character of himself's school and from this, a movement to promote partisan unity is identified. After Myungam died, Muyi-Gugok in Mt. Gugok was transformed from a space to succeed Chutzu's Dotonga to one to commemorate the memory of ancient sages, but, it is a typicality case that widen the spectrum of Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim culture through Muyi-Gugok's imitation and transformation.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.11 no.6
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• pp.116-126
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• 2011

In this paper, the horror game is defined as a game that is aimed at causing fear reactions to user. And this paper analyzed narrative elements for studying what causes fear reactions beyond the existing experimental study. This analysis is significant at the point of determining narrative principles in the horror game. So this paper has extracted horror elements from gothic horror novels that established as the 'horror' genre and has considered how these horror elements would be transformed actually in the horror game. So it analyzes how the space and narrative elements as the distinctive characteristics of game are transformed centrally in the case of the 'Silent hill' series(published by Konami Corporation). Furthermore this study will be expected to be a help for clarifying not only the horror game as a peculiar genre but also the relationship between the space and narrative elements in the game.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.221-247
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• 2020

This paper examines the meaning of Pyeongsari, the main stage of the novel 'Toji (Land )' and the original experience space engraved in the lives of the characters and suggests the direction of Pyeongsari as a 'Toji (Land )' content platform. Pyeongsa-ri, an imaginary space in the novel, starts from the background of the original work and turns into a representative tourist space for Ha Dong-gun. However, it is necessary to provide cultural experience-type contents that visitors can experience in person. In the original work, Pyeongsari is an ideal community and a symbol of the Korean modern history of suffering and pioneering. Therefore, taking advantage of this meaning, it is necessary to prepare a cultural experience space that shows Confucian culture, women's labor culture, and shamanic culture to draw on visitors' experiences. In addition, the app should be developed in connection with transformed works that have been the driving force behind the reorganization of Pyeongsari, and education and experience spaces using augmented reality are provided on the web. This interaction between digital and reality makes the meaning of the original or transformed works contemporaneous, while contributing to the visitor's own experience. In addition, through this, Pyeongsari can evolve into a cultural experience content platform that reflects the meaning of Korean culture and life. This paper is significant in that it suggests the direction of Pyeongsari's space planning for the 'geography of meaningful places'. In addition, while showing how the imaginary space of the original literary work has reorganized the space of reality, there are implications for the media content of the literary work and the terrain of the culture and arts industry.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.4
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• pp.81-97
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to examine what people in Korea recognize the cultural symbolism and the planting patterns of 'Guǐmok', pagoda tree(Sophora japonica). The species planted in the 'Guǐjeong' was empirically investigated and analyzed to determine which species of pagoda tree or Zelkova tree(Zelkova serrata) was taken through literature surveys, field surveys, and interviews with persons. This 'Guǐjeong' was combined to track how the culture of the 'Guǐmok' planting introduced in China was ultimately accepted and transformed in Korea. In this study, we tried to analyze the meaning implicit in the mystery while checking the distribution of the mystery and the form of the mystery, the name of the pavilion and its relevance to the contrast medium. Essentially, the trees that govern the characterization of the nectar plant, regardless of the region, are considered to be a pagoda tree, which is considered an internal factor in which the pagoda tree culture was not completely transformed into a zelkova tree. It was recognized throughout the Joseon Dynasty that the species representing 'Prime ministers(三公)' was judged from all the Joseon Dynasty periods, based on the builder of Guǐjeong's Aho(雅號) and Dangho(堂號). It was confirmed that the tree was very likely to be planted in place of the painting tree. But now is selectively zelkova tree is in accordance with the preparation of planting site conditions and areas on behalf of the Change is very high probability that is planted. Cultural variables that led to the cultural transformation of the 'Guǐmok' seem to have been deeply involved in the geographical space of China and Korea, Confucian practices of the Choson society, comings and goings and letter bridge, and network strength with China through the book spread. In addition, the culture of 'Guǐmok' is presumed to have led to cultural custom of the upper class, not the whole class, in the Yeongnam region, it can be said that the independent adaptation to act to recognize 'Guǐmok' as a pagoda tree, that is a Sophora japonica, has occurred very strongly. The difference between the cultural areas of Yeongnam and non-Yeongnam is also considered to be an internal factor that has played a major role in the cultural transformation of planting of 'Guǐmok'.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.4
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• pp.56-69
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• 2011

A Gamsil is an ritual instrument which enshrine the ancestral tablets of four lines from late great-great-grandfather and grandmother to late father and mother. This has their soul. Juja's "Garye" informs its structure pattern. It is placed in Sadang and takes the form of a perfectly square box. It partitions four rooms and enshrine an ancestral tablet room by room. They get the ancestral tablets line up from west to east. And they also enshrine the ancestral tablets without his descendant together in Gamsil. A Gamsil is a space to enshrine the ancestral tablets and to place an order within a family. A social status and A family economic power become a standard in making and managing Sadang. Kingdom in Joseon period limited the ancestral tablets considering of his degree of official rank which descendant enshrined. A official servant can be stable economically in getting a stipend and build sadang in the house. While household a little in economic enshrine the ancestral tablets at a Gamsil placed at the a space of private home. His personal circumstances make size and pattern, place change in relation to Gamsil. A Gamsil looks like house in structure and pattern. It has the immortality of the soul. And it changed from a table size to a ancestral tablet size. This Gamsil is comfortable to move and is made considering of the width and height of household. The transition of Gamsil means institutions is in close to a family economic power in social change. Kingdom in Joseon early period makes a policy of a Gamyo's build and an ancestral enshrine in basement of Juja's "Garye". The transition of Gamsil gave a common people limitted socially and institutionally the service of late four lines. Most of people enshrine the ancestral tablets of their four lines in approaching of in the late of Joseon Dinasty. They compromise on their reality and cause. The transition of Gamsil implied many different things in social ; the authenticity search and a dignity expression of his family, the foundation for the diffusion of an ancestral service, a space sharing with ancestor and descendent, the increment of a family economic power etc.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Rural Architecture
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.1-12
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• 2010

The results of Change of Space Organization of Nagan Eupsung are as follows. There was no castle when Nagan folk village was built and it was merely small village arranged centering around road, but as it was emphasized as a point of strategic importance, castle wall was built and the government office and military facilities were established. In the late period of the Joseon Dynasty, as central power was weakened and its importance as a strategic point was declined, private houses outside the folk village were extended to the inside of castle. The whole structure of the village was not greatly changed through the modern society, but disappearance of village components and change of its basic structure like destruction of the castle were continued not to be restored to the former condition spontaneously. It was considered that it was caused by social demographic characteristics of the folk village which was deteriorated and environmental factors that it was changed into sightseeing place.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.4-31
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• 2013

본고는 중세도시연구의 관점에서 도성 헤이안쿄(平安京)가 중세 교토(京都)로 변화하는 계기와 그 의미, 그것이 새로운 무가(武家) 정권도시(政權都市)에 어떤 영향을 미쳤는지에 대하여 논하였다. 율령제 마지막 도성인 헤이안쿄는 천황을 절대적 정점으로 한 중앙집권이 동심원구조로 구현된 '왕성(王城)의 땅'이었으나, 10세기 후반 이후 도성의 구심점이었던 내리(內裏)가 헤이안큐(平安宮) 밖으로 나오는 등의 변화가 시작되었고, 도성의 이념과 틀이 급속하게 해체 변용되었다. 또 고대왕권을 대신하여 새로운 형태로 왕권과 여러 권력을 담당한 원(院)과 롱관가(瀧關家), 대두하는 무가권력 등이 그 본거지에 권력의 개성과 시대성을 반영한 새로운 경관과 공간원리를 생성하였다. 그것은 다음과 같은 공통점을 갖는다. (1) 큰 정토정원을 갖는 御堂(사찰)과 세트를 이룬 御所(천황의 거소). (2)황통(천황가 내의 계통)과 가족의 상징으로서 조상을 모신 분묘를 중심으로 한 도시형성. (3) 내리를 기점으로 남북으로 주축을 갖는 고대도성과 달리, 어당과 어소가 동서로 배열된 동서가로를 주축으로 한 도시계획. (4) 수도와 외부를 잇는 교통의 결절점에 입지하였고, 특히 하천변을 향해 적극적으로 확장된 도시. 일본 중세는 무가정권의 시대를 맞이하여 도고쿠(東國) 초기 무가정권의 본거지 히라이즈미(平泉)와 최초의 막부가 열린 가마쿠라(鎌倉)가 모델로 한 것은 '도성 헤이안큐'가 아니라 헤이안큐 수도 밖 신도시의 경관과 공간원리였다. 특히 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라 등이 가정기관(家政機關)과 조상의 묘를 중심으로 한 '가족 원리'에 따른 정권도시를 적극적으로 수용한 것은 단순한 도시의 모방이 아니라 주종관계를 축으로 의제적인 '집(家) 원리'로 권력이 형성된 무가에는 더욱 어울리는 논리이며, 또 고대와는 다른 새로운 시대의 논리였기 때문이다. 그 한편으로 무가의 대들보로서 무사들에 의해 추대된 초기 무가정권은 도시의 논리와 경관을 도입하였을 뿐 아니라 그들과 공통의 가치관을 표현하는 것도 중요한 요소였다. 그것이 최신의 도시를 모방한 어당과, 그것과는 대조적인 도고쿠 무가의 전통적인 어소의 병립이라는 종교공간과 정치 일상공간에서의 권위표상의 의식적인 분리에 의해 표현되었다. 히라이즈미와 가마쿠라에서는 유통, 상공업 등의 도시기능과 도시적인 경관이 정비되기까지 약 50년의 시간이 경과할 필요가 있었다. 12세기 일본의 무가정권은 스스로의 거점으로서 도시를 기획, 형성하는 의식과 실현하는 능력을 얼마나 가지고 있었는가 검토가 필요하다. 명확한 동아시아모델의 도성을 실현함으로써 왕권의 존재를 드러낸 고대 율령정권과의 차이점은 매우 크다. 이후 무가가 권력의 의도를 도시구조로서 명확하게 드러낸 것은 15세기 후반의 전국시대 다이묘(大名)의 죠카마치(城下町)로부터이다. 특히 16세기 후반부터 천하통일을 실현한 오다 노부나가, 도요토미 히데요시의 연합정권에서는 구체적인 성(城)과, 그 성을 중심으로 한 계층성을 명시한 죠카마치의 공간설계가 있었다. 여기서는 다시금 '도시의 경관'이 명확한 권력의 상징으로서 기능하게 된 것이다.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.20 no.6
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• pp.19-29
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to clarify the spatial changes that have taken place in the main rooms (Anbang) and kitchens of traditional Utbangkkeokeum houses in Cheongju city, located on the central inland of Korea. These houses consist of a main house (Momchae) and a single-wing house (Nalgaechae), creating an ㄱ-shaped plan. The kitchen is in the front of the Nalgaechae, and the Anbang is at the rear. For the Momchae, the main hall (Daechung) is next to the Anbang, which is at the end of the Nalgaechae, and the room (Gunnunbang) is situated across from the Daechung. This study is based on the assumption that these houses have been conserved and altered from their original forms. As a result of alterations, many changes have occurred to the main room and kitchen spaces. The traditional main room is connected with two rooms (Utbang and Araebang), new standup kitchens are introduced, and floor heating systems are installed. The Anbang has maintained its sedentary lifestyle and the space for major daily activities such as sleeping and TV viewing. Also, TV viewing is a distinctive feature for residential purposes and the bedding is located in such a position that it is easy to observe any exterior movement for the elderly living alone. The layout of the standup kitchen has been altered to maintain the previous circulation, position and function of the entrance. Also, the kitchen and dining room were used together, and the size of these rooms has been partially increased from the original module in different ways for each case. The above findings suggest that Utbangkkeokeum houses of Cheongju city have been spatially changed while maintaining the previous lifestyle.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.7
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• pp.13-20
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• 2018

In this study, it was started with the research for improving the housing plan of the elderly and the aged housing environment. The spatial extent of the study is in Haedoji Village, Yeongdo, Busan, and the time ranged from the mid-1950s, when the Korean war broke out and the refugees started to settle, to the present as of August 2017. As Result, the size of the residential space per capita was overcrowded at $9.2m^2$ in the 1970s and 1980s, when the number of families was high, but since 2010, the size of the residential space currently living alone with only one elderly or couple was $29.2m^2$. In the future, it can be judged that the size of elderly housing can be expected to be envisioned within about $35{\sim}40m^2$ in consideration of the diversity of housing including table space in the 2LDK type.