• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.103-119
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• 2023

Since the Korean government has decided to apply the policy of BIM (Building Information Modeling) to the entire construction industry, it has experienced a positive trend in adoption and utilization. BIM can reduce workloads by building model objects into libraries that conform to standards and enable consistent quality, data integrity, and compatibility. In the domestic architecture, civil engineering, and the overseas landscape architecture sectors, many BIM library standardization studies have been conducted, and guidelines have been established based on them. Currently, basic research and attempts to introduce BIM are being made in Korean landscape architecture field, but the diffusion has been delayed due to difficulties in application. This can be addressed by enhancing the efficiency of BIM work using standardized libraries. Therefore, this study aims to provide a starting point for discussions and present a classification system for objects and attribute information that can be referred to when creating landscape libraries in practice. The standardization of landscape BIM library was explored from two directions: object classification and attribute information items. First, the Korean construction information classification system, product inventory classification system, landscape design and construction standards, and BIM object classification of the NLA (Norwegian Association of Landscape Architects) were referred to classify landscape objects. As a result, the objects were divided into 12 subcategories, including 'trees', 'shrubs', 'ground cover and others', 'outdoor installation', 'outdoor lighting facility', 'stairs and ramp', 'outdoor wall', 'outdoor structure', 'pavement', 'curb', 'irrigation', and 'drainage' under five major categories: 'landscape plant', 'landscape facility', 'landscape structure', 'landscape pavement', and 'irrigation and drainage'. Next, the attribute information for the objects was extracted and structured. To do this, the common attribute information items of the KBIMS (Korean BIM Standard) were included, and the object attribute information items that vary according to the type of objects were included by referring to the PDT (Product Data Template) of the LI (UK Landscape Institute). As a result, the common attributes included information on 'identification', 'distribution', 'classification', and 'manufacture and supply' information, while the object attributes included information on 'naming', 'specifications', 'installation or construction', 'performance', 'sustainability', and 'operations and maintenance'. The significance of this study lies in establishing the foundation for the introduction of landscape BIM through the standardization of library objects, which will enhance the efficiency of modeling tasks and improve the data consistency of BIM models across various disciplines in the construction industry.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.6
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• pp.110-123
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• 2022

Namsan Park in Seoul was designated as a "grand park" in 1954 and is currently operated as an 'Urban Nature Park Area' and four 'neighborhood parks.' However, despite the park's historical and cultural value as an urban park, it has been discussed mainly from a perspective revolving around notions of a mountain or a city wall. To ensure a comprehensive exploration of Namsan Park's history, this study examined public records at the Seoul Metropolitan Archives (SMA), which houses the city's permanent records for preservation and organization. To this end, documents in the SMA Database (DB) were analyzed, yielding 1,359 records concerning Namsan Park. Based on the contents, general characteristics of the urban park were identified through production periods, record types, and disclosure types. Then, essential keywords concerning organizations, people, geographical areas, subjects, and business functions were examined. Finally, the contents and characteristics of Namsan Park in public records were scrutinized, focusing on specific spaces. This research also uncovered important information, such as park drawings, photos, planting lists, plant parcel lists, and significant discussions and decisions regarding the operation and management of the park. Although the public records do not contain a comprehensive history of Namsan Park, it was possible to check the primary historical changes and deliberation processes pertaining to the park's history. Therefore, continuous research intended to interpret and describe public records is expected to identify many implications. In addition, because the public records showed heterogeneous characteristics that center on specific periods and events, an essential task is to advance collaboration and networking with various related institutions, designers, researchers, and citizens.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.40 no.1
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• pp.26-42
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to examine and understand the area and the original outer boundaries of Hamchunwon(含春苑), which was the outer royal garden of Gyeonghuigung Palace, which existed before the site of the Russian legation. The results of the study are as follows. First, examining the 3 types of drawings prepared for securing the Russian legation's site and constructing a new building, it was confirmed that two low peaks, which appear to be the original terrain of Hamchunwon, existed in the north and south directions inside the site. According to the initial plan of the of the legation's site, it appears that the entrance of the legation building is connected to the Saemunan-ro in the northwest. However, according to the report made at the time when the Russian temporary minister Veber purchased the legation's site, it was recorded that the site already had a narrow entrance and a dirt road in place, and hence, it was connected to Saemunan-ro. This fact makes it possible to learn that the line of movement for officials and the original gate were located to the northwest of the site planned as the entrance of the legation building towards Hamchunwon. Second, the site was created by cutting the top of the high hill at the time of the construction of the legation building, and as a result, a two tiered staircase typed terrace was built. The ground on which the main building and the secretary's building, etc., were erected was made by cutting the highest peak and solidifying it flat, and a large quantity of soil was used for grading. In the case of the northern area of the main building, the traces of leveling the terrain by cutting the mountains are apparent, and an observation typed garden with a walking path and pavilion was formed by utilizing the physical environment equipped with an easy view. This may be considered as a use which is consistent with the topographical conditions of creating an outer royal garden to block the civilian views on a high terrain overlooking the palace. Third, Hamchunwon's fences were partially exposed in the photos from the 1880s through the 1890s, which demonstrate the spatial changes made around the US, UK, and the Russian legations. As a result of the photo analysis performed, Hamchunwon occupies the northern area of the Russian legation's site, and it is estimated that the north, west, and east walls of the legation resembled those of Hamchunwon. The area to the south of the Russian legation was originally a place made available for civilian houses, and it was possible to examine the circumstances of purchasing dozens of civilian houses and farmlands according to various materials. Fourth, Hamchunwon, which was formed as the outer royal garden of Gyeongdeokgung Palace of Lord Gwanghaegun, lost its sense of place as an outer royal garden when the entire building of Gyeonghuigung Palace was torn down and used as a construction members during the reconstruction of Gyeongbokgung Palace, and faded away as the site was sold to Russia around 1885. The area where Hamchunwon used to be located transformed into a core space of the Russian legation where the main building and garden were located after the construction of the new building. Hence, Hamchunwon, which was limited to the northern area of the Russian legation, does not carry the temporal and spatial context with Gyeongungung Palace and Seonwonjeon which were constructed after 1897, and it is determined that the view of Seonwonjeon as Baehoorim or Baegyeongrim is not valid.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.50-80
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• 2021

This paper critically examines the history of the theories connected to the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda that have developed over the last 100 years focusing on the original number of stories the pagoda would have reached. Part II of this paper retraces the dynamic process of the rediscovery of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda by Westerners who traveled to Korea during the port-opening period. Koreans at the time viewed the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as an object of no particular appeal or even as an eyesore. However, Westerners appreciated it as a wonder or magnificent sight. Since these Westerners had almost no prior knowledge of Buddhist pagodas, they were able to write objective travelogues. At the time, these visitors generally accepted the theory common among Joseon intellectuals that Wongaksa Temple Pagoda once had thirteen stories. Part III focuses on Japanese government-affiliated scholars' academic research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda after the proclamation of the Korean Empire and the Japanese Government-General of Korea's subsequent management of the pagoda as a cultural property during the colonial era. It also discusses issues with Japanese academic research and management. In particular, this portion sheds light on the shift in theories about the original number of stories of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda from the ten-story theory supported by Sekino Tadashi (關野 貞), whose ideas have held a great influence on this issue over the last 100 years, to the thirteen-story theory and then to the idea that it had more than thirteen. Finally, Part IV addresses the change from the multi-story theory to the ten-story theory in the years after Korea's liberation from Japan until 1962. Moreover, it highlights how Korean intellectuals of the Japanese colonial era predominantly accepted the thirteen-story theory. Since 1962, a considerable quantity of significant research on the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has been published. However, since most of these studies have applied the ten-story theory suggested in 1962, they are not individually discussed in this paper. This retracing of the history of theories about the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda has verified that although there are reasonable grounds for supporting the thirteen-story theory, it has not been proved in the last 100 years. Moreover, the number of pagoda stories has not been fully discussed in academia. The common theory that both Wongaksa Temple Pagoda and Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda were ten-story pagodas was first formulated by Sekino Tadashi 100 years ago. Since the abrasion of the Wongaksa Temple Stele was so severe the inscriptions on the stele were almost illegible, Sekino argued that the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda was a ten-story pagoda based on an architectural analysis of the then-current condition of the pagoda. Immediately after Sekino presented his argument, a woodblock-printed version of the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele was found. This version included a phrase that a thirteen-story pagoda had been erected. In a similar vein, the Dongguk yeoji seungnam (Geographic Encyclopedia of Korea) published by the orders of King Seongjong in the late fifteenth century documented that Gyeongcheonsa Temple Pagoda, the model for the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda, was also a thirteen-story pagoda. The Wongaksa Temple Stele erected on the orders of King Sejo after the establishment of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda evidently shows that Sekino's ten-story premise is flawed. Sekino himself wrote that "as [the pagoda] consists of a three-story stereobate and a ten-story body, people call it a thirteen-story pagoda," although he viewed the number of stories of the pagoda body as that of the entire pagoda. The inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele also clearly indicate that the king ordered the construction of the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. Although unprecedented, this thirteen-story pagoda comprised a ten-story pagoda body over a three-story stereobate. Why would King Sejo have built a thirteen-story pagoda in an unusual form consisting of a ten-story body on top of a three-story stereobate? In order to fully understand King Sejo's intention in building a thirteen-story pagoda, analyzing the Wongaksa Temple Pagoda is necessary. This begins with the restoration of its original name. I disprove Sekino's ten-story theory built upon flawed premises and an eclectic over-thirteen-story theory and urge applying the thirteen-story theory, as the inscriptions on the Wongaksa Temple Stele stated that the pagoda was originally built as a thirteen-story pagoda.