• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.82
• /
• pp.29-72
• /
• 2017

This study explores the ways that newspapers report the administrations' policies of 'university reform' from February 2008 to December 2015 through critical discourse analysis. As results, Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo produce the discourse that the crisis of universities is so real and dangerous that it brings about the crisis of our nation, and that the current university systems should be changed into neoliberal systems because it is the critical reason of the crisis. Using various discursive strategies, they construct their reports as objective, real and embodying general goods and then successfully build the neoliberal discourse on university reform as commonsensical and natural. They finally acquire the discursive hegemony for university reform. Kyunghyang-shinmun and Hankyoreh-shinmun produce the anti-discourse against that of Donga-ilbo and Chosun-ilbo. However, they can not develop substantial hegemony struggles for the discourse of university reform because of the limitations of their discourse in terms of quantity and quality and the social and press structures overwhelmingly inclined for neo-liberalism.

• Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
• /
• v.42 no.1
• /
• pp.1-18
• /
• 2022

The two most influential rationales for the 21^st century science curriculum reform can be said to be core competence and scientific literacy. However, the relationship between the two has not been scrutinized but remained speculative - and this has made the harmonization of the general guideline and subject-matter curriculum difficult in Korean national curriculum system. This study compares the two discourses to derive implications for future science curriculum development. This study took a literature research approach. In chapter II, national curriculum or standards, position papers, and research articles were reviewed to delineate the historical development of the discourses. In chapter III and IV, the intersections of those two discourses are delineated. In chapter III, the commonalities of the two discourses are explicated with regard to crisis rhetoric, multi-faceted meanings (individual, community, and global aspects), organization of subject-matter content and teaching and learning method, and the role of high-stake exams. In chapter IV, their respective strengths and weaknesses are juxtaposed. In chapter V, it is suggested that understanding scientific literacy and core competence discourses to have a family resemblance as 21^st century science curriculum reform rationale, after Wittgenstein and Kuhn. Finally, the ways to resolve the conflict between the two ideas from the general guideline and subject-matter curriculum over crisis rhetoric were explored.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.27
• /
• pp.35-62
• /
• 2004

This study examined how the three major newspapers covered the press reform movement in Korea. Despite that the NGOs and Korean government keep trying to reform the market and structure of the newspapers, the targeted newspapers argue that they are unjustly accused of the dominance of the press market made by the readers' choice. Using frame analysis and discourse analysis, this study analyzed the news coverage on the press reform for 6 months and revealed that these major newspapers presumed to be targeted were totally challenging against the press reform by means of flaming of news and using news discourse. The ways of challenge were, firstly they appealed to the readers that the press reform is the press suppress so that they have to fight against this unacceptable pressure. And secondly, they report the news selectively for their own interests by elaborating, magnifying, or reducing the facts. Thirdly, they attack the government policies and major figures leading the press reform by letting the outside columnists favorable to their own standing point. And finally, they conduct the poll on and off and report what they want according to their self interests.

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.17
• /
• pp.112-144
• /
• 2001

This study attempts to analyze how and why Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh Shinmun produce particular social discourses about the media reform in different ways. In doing so, this paper attempts to disclose the ideological nature of media reform discourses in social contexts. For the purpose, a content analysis method was applied to the analysis of straight news, while an interpretive discourse analysis was appled to analyze both editorials and columns in newspapers. As a theoretical framework, an articulation theory was applied to explain the relationships among social forces, ideological elements, discourse practices and subjects to produce the media reform discourses. In doing so, I attempted to understand the overall conjuncture of the media reform aspects in social contexts. The period for the analysis was limited from January 10th to August 10th this year. Newspaper articles related to the media reform were obtained from the database of newspaper articles, "KINDS," produced by Korean Press Foundation, in searching the key word, "media reform". Total articles to be analyzed were 765, 429 from Hankyoreh Sinmun and 236 from Chosun Ilbo. The research results, first of all, empirically show that both Chosun Ilbo and Hankure Synmun used straight news for their firms' interests and value judgement, in selecting and excluding events related to media reform or in exaggerating and reducing the meanings of the events, although there are differences in a greater or less degree between two newspaper companies. Accordingly, this paper argues that the monopoly of newspaper subscriber by three major newspapers in Korean society could result in the forming of one-sided social consensus about various social issues through the distorting and unequal reporting by them. Second, this paper's discourse analysis related to the media reform indicates that the discourse of ideology confrontation between the right and the left produced by Chosen Ilbo functioned as a mechanism to realize law enforcement of the right in articulating the request of media reform and the anti-communist ideology. It resulted in the discursive effect of suppressing the request of media reform by civic groups and scholars and made many people to consider the media reform as a ideological matter in Korean society.

• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
• /
• v.8 no.1
• /
• pp.29-54
• /
• 2008

This is to review the reform of the governance for science and technology advanced by the Noh Moo Hyun government. The reform mainly included introducing the vice premiership for science and technology, strengthening the coordinative function of the National Science and Technology Committee over the public R&D budget and programs, and establishing the Office of Science and Technology Innovation under the vice premier for science and technology. The reform aims to improve not only the policy coordinative mechanism but policy discourse mechanism over the enhanced science and technology policy. This paper argues that Noh Moo Hyun Government's reform of the governance for science and technology was not successful. The reason is that the reform targeted mainly to improve the policy coordination among government departments concerning science and technology policy. But it was nearly neglected to make effective the policy discourse mechanism linking the state actors and societal actors.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.209-235
• /
• 2009

This articles examines a war of history among American conservatives over the survival strategies of the Republican Party. The traditionalists 'construct' and employ a history originating from Goldwater's libertarianism for criticizing the Bush administration and calling for the restoration of conservative principles of limited, small government. The reformists counter with a history of repeated failures of building "conservatism of the working class."

• (The)Korea Educational Review
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.81-114
• /
• 2018

This study was conducted to review the educational reform of the Moon Jae-In government, to analyze the its issues, and to suggest the tasks for the successful reform at the time since the government of Moon Jae-In was launched just over a year old. To attain the aim, we first examine the characteristics of the Moon Jae-In government, who emerged as a candlelight revolution, and what it means in terms of educational politics perspective. Under this background, this study examined the direction, contents, and implementation method of education reform policy of the Moon Jae-In government. And the study discussed what are the major issues raised in the direction and contents, implementation method of education reform, and what are the future challenges for resolving such issues. In conclusion, based on the discussions of the issues and tasks of the education policy, in order to implement the new educational system in the future, the Moon Jae-In government should take into consideration the discourses related to vision and direction, educational policy to embody them. The results of this study are expected to give an opportunity to examine the direction, content and implementation of policy in the early stage of the government.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.25 no.2
• /
• pp.191-217
• /
• 2018

At the turn of the century, social policy in both developed and developing countries confronts new challenges and risks caused by the multiple crises in finance, food, energy and climate change. Changes in the structures of risks are particularly significant. In addition, the global economic crisis starting in 2008 has provided a new context of the global political economy. Both developed and developing countries have responded to these new challenges and risks differently. What risks do these responses aim to address? How can these responses address these risks? Can these diverse responses offer lessons for lower income economies attempting to address social development challenges alongside economic growth in the globalised and increasingly uncertain 21st century context? This paper aims to provide a critical review of the new trends, phenomena or directions of social policy discourse and practice to respond to the new risks in the context of development. Explaining the nature and forms of new challenges and risks and pointing out the potentials and limitations of social policy discourse, it introduces the key points of the previous research we have to keep in mind in formulating alternative social policy approaches. General principles and core elements of social policy in addressing new challenges and risks in the $21^{st}$ century, which are particularly visible in social policy reforms in emerging economies, are highlighted as a conclusion.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
• /
• v.28 no.3
• /
• pp.135-159
• /
• 2018

This thesis compares and analyzes the dynamics between policy, knowledge and power of Myanmar's higher education development. The papers begins by exploring the dynamics during the Socialist Military Regime(1962~1988), the Collapse of Higher Education Era(1988~2010), Thein Sein's Reform Era(2010~2015) and the current Aung San Suu Kyi's Civilian Era(2015~Now). By highlighting recent dramatic policy changes, the article argues that the policy discourse on the subject of internationalization of higher education and the technocratization of education development policy by the current Civilian Government in its new policy discourse, that resulted in the active participation as well as the contributions of international donors has directly impacted on the policy dynamics around the Comprehensive Education Sector Review and the introduction of the National Education Strategic Plan 2016~2020. Further, by examining complex interaction between the current domestic education stakeholders and international donors in education sector in Myanmar, this thesis argues that the new analytical framework on the understanding of policy dynamics in developing countries goes beyond the national level. The paper argues that there needs to be broadening of the analytical framework towards the multidimensional analysis perspective that includes global, national as well as local level policy, knowledge and power dynamics in Myanmar's dynamically changing higher education sector.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
• /
• v.49
• /
• pp.181-199
• /
• 2017

One of the most lasting and influential projects for radical reform of Korean universities is a discourse on networking national and public universities. The discourse, proposed with a level equalization of universities as its ideological basis has raised various discussions and suggestions in the past 20 years. It was proposed as a fundamental solution to the 'disastrous' hierarchical structure of universities and 'hellish' entrance exam competition. This paper aims at reexamining the efficacy of its ideological proposition and its practicability at the present time in reference to such foreign cases, which have worked as model cases for this discourse: the reformation of the University of Paris and the California master plan for higher education in the 1960s. The two different contexts, however, should be considered in applying the cases to Korean university reform. 1) The foreign cases of united universities were formed 'naturally' in the expanding phases of higher education while the Korean project pursued 'artificially' in the midst of reconstructing process. 2) The foreign cases had an overall influence on education in general as most of the universities in those countries were public or national, while the effect of Korean project will be very limited as most of the university students attend private universities. Besides those differences, the new situations surrounding universities such as globalized competitiveness and technological innovation is making the idea of standardization of universities obsolete. Korean university reform should not be centered on the integration of universities but on their characterization and enhance the specific strengths of each group of universities.