• Management & Information Systems Review
• /
• v.30 no.1
• /
• pp.129-158
• /
• 2011

The primary purpose of this paper is to investigate the relationships of single party bargaining system on the cooperative and participative labour-management relations using the samples from several teachers' organizations. This study seeks to identify a reasonable single party bargaining scheme though empirical research as well. Results of empirical study are summarized. Finally suggestions, implications and limitations of the present study are also discussed.

• Journal of Labour Economics
• /
• v.29 no.3
• /
• pp.75-112
• /
• 2006

We found following evidences from our empirical analysis with the Workplace Panel Survey data of the Korea Labor Institute with reference to 'discord hypothesis' which insists that employee participatory high performance work practices would strengthen not only an enterprise focus in labor-management relations but also the enterprise unionism in the labor union system or collective bargaining structures, so they would probably come into conflict with the superenterprise-oriented industrial solidarity spirit in labor unionism. First, even though there are significant positive management performance effects of high performance work practices, especially in case of mining and manufacturing industries, the positive performance effects of employee participatory work practices such as job rotation ratio of workers and 6-sigma activities were much strengthened relatively in case of non-unionized establishments. Second, the superenterprise-oriented collective bargaining system is also found to give very strong and statistically significant negative performance effects to the introduction and implementation of work teams and performance-related payment systems such as profit sharing, group incentive pay system and so on. Although there are some careful reservations in interpreting the results of our analysis because of data insufficiency, they may have important implications that the industrial labor unionism or the superenterprise-oriented collective bargaining practices exercise the bargaining power to make individual firms be negative or feel it nearly impossible to introduce the employee participatory work practices which can be very favorable to improving those management performance.

• FLOWER RESEARCH JOURNAL
• /
• v.17 no.1
• /
• pp.67-73
• /
• 2009

This study was conducted to establish a strategy to improve the grafted cacti export which has been stagnated in these year. To promote its exporting, first of all, Korean cactus producer needs to save the cost of labor by using bottom nutriculture system for the greater national competitiveness. Second, it is desired to diversify the export cactus items such as a new variety of Epiphyllum truncatum, big size of perfect brand, a finished package production to satisfy foreigner's demand coping with international market change of grafted cacti. On the other hand, Korean cultivar protection and national negotiation for a reducing tariff rate or an efficient plant inspection system are also needed.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
• /
• v.51 no.5
• /
• pp.667-690
• /
• 2016

This paper reviews the evolution process of global production network(GPN) discourse, from its origin to the recent theorization, namely GPN 2.0. In so doing, the discursive formation of global production networks is introduced in comparison with a competing discourse global commodity/value chains, with particular attention to conceptual and analytical lacunae in the latter. This article also outlines how the global production network perspective has become a useful discursive and practical tool that allows the examination of the nexus of global economy, transnational corporations, and regional development. Subsequently, a theoretical dearth in the approach is discussed in reference to key critiques, and in this context Yeung and Coe's recent theorization GPN 2.0, which is centered on casual mechanisms and network configurations is reviewed. This paper suggests that the theory adequately addresses the problem of casuality lacking in its precedented conceptual framework, and that it helps exploring the formation and evolution processes of varied production networks(including intrafirm coordination, interfirm control, strategic partnership, and extrafirm bargaining) in connection with competitive dynamics and risky environments. As a result of the theorization, the difference between GPN and the chain approaches has become more apparent, and the idea of extrafirm bargaining is particularly important in the differentiation. Extrafirm bargaining is seen to be a comprehensive networking form inclusive of such GPN 1.0 analytical concepts as value, embeddeness, and power, and research attentive to, and engaging with, the extrafirm networks is expected to help transcending the chain governance approaches' analytical excess of interfirm linkages and industry-centeredness.

• 한국학연구
• /
• no.50
• /
• pp.157-186
• /
• 2018

The study examines the process of resuming diplomatic relations and establishing a diplomatic system in the early 17th century. It focused on the discontinuity and continuity of the policy toward Japan in the end of King Seonjo's period and in the early days of Gwanghaegun. This is a studies on serial process of the restoration of peace after the Japanese Invasion of Korea. The process began with the Peace Negotiation, and led to the Resuming Diplastic Relations by dispatching Joseon Emissions to Japan in 1607. The Gwang'hae-gun regime agreed with Japan to sign on the Gi'yu-year agreement in 1609 and by doing so formed a platform for future Joseon-Japan diplomatic talks arranged through the Dae'ma-do/對馬島 island. Then, the Joseon government reinforced the principle of 'banning' Japanese envoys from approaching the Joseon capital, limiting the activities of the Japanese emissaries in Joseon territory to the Wae'gwan facility of the Dong'rae area. These actions of the Joseon government outlined the format for future diplomatic contacts with the Japanese in the dynasty's latter half period. At the time, when the Joseon people was facing Japanese presence in the south part of the Korean peninsula and the 'Jurchen' barbarians' in the north, Gwang'hae-gun considered 'maintaining relationships' with Japan and 'protecting the country' from the Jurchen threat as two top-level priorities for the Joseon defense. In order to do that, he had to establish Japan, which invaded Joseon for seven years in the 1590s, as a diplomatic partner to exchange talks with. He had to mitigate the anti-Japanese sentiment of the country's population, and intermediate clashing opinions in the policy discussion process. In the meantime, in order to deal with problems surfacing everywhere, Gwang'hae-gun maintained a stance of prioritizing the pursuit of public interest and amicable relationships, and not an ideological and principle-based one. It was quite a departure from the government's policy of the late 17th century.

• Korean Business Review
• /
• v.12
• /
• pp.189-207
• /
• 1999

The recent keen global competition makes cooperative Labor-Management relations as one of the minimum requirements for the business firms in order to survive. Accordingly, this study focused upon the comparative analysis of the traits of some major countries' Labor-Management Joint Consultations for the purpose of explaining the core characteristics of them. The way how to develop and enhance the Labor-Management Joint Consultation in Korea was also suggested. As a result, this study shows that the social background of, the authority of, and the relationship with collective bargaining of the the Labor-Management Joint Consultation differed in great extent among the countries, and that these differences caused the various consultation patterns in each country. For example, the Labor-Management Joint Consultation was introduced and used voluntarily in the U.S.A. and Japan, while it was enforced by law in Korea, Germany, and France. Also, co-determination has been popular in Germany, France, and The U.S.A., but only the advising and consulting have been dominant in Korea and Japan. However, the rapid change of business environment and the increase in employees' need will make the co-determination as a desirable pattern even in Korea.

• Bulletin of Food Technology
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.85-103
• /
• 2006

지리적 표시란 농산물 및 그 가공품의 명성, 품질, 기타 특징이 본질적으로 특정지역의 지리적 특성에 기인하는 경우, 당해 농산물 및 그 가공품이 그 특정지역에서 생산된 특산품임을 표시하는 것을 의미한다. 지리적 표시제는 우수 농산물 및 그 가공품의 지리적 표시를 등록.보호함으로써 지리적 특산품의 품질을 향상하고 지역특화산업으로 육성하여 생산자를 보호.육성하고, 소비자에게는 특정 제품에 대한 지리적 명칭의 정보를 제공함으로써 안전하고 우수한 농산물 및 그 가공품을 소비할 수 있게 하여 궁극적으로 생산자와 소비자를 모두 보호하는 것을 목적으로 한다. 우루과이라운드(UR)에 의한 무역협상 타결로 '95년에 출범한 세계무역기구(WTO)는 "무역관련 지적재산권 협정(Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights: TRIPs)"을 다자간 무역협상의 대상으로 추가함으로써 통상교섭의 영역을 상품 및 서비스생산 중심에서 지적재산권 영역까지 확대시켰다. 우리나라는 2001년부터 "TRIPs" 협정에 대한 일반적 이행을 의무화하고 있으며, '96년 10월 한.EU기본협력협정 체결시 EU의 지리적표시 보호를 위한 제도적 장치 마련을 요구하는 등 국제적인 지리적표시 보호 강화 움직임에 보다 적극적으로 대처하고, 우리나라의 우수한 지리적 특산품을 국내 및 국제적으로 보호하기 위해 '99년 농수산물품질관리법에 지리적표시 등록제가 도입되었다. 현재 보성녹차, 하동녹차, 고창복분자, 영양고추 및 서산육쪽마늘, 의성마늘, 괴산 고추 및 순창고추장, 괴산 고춧가루, 성주참외, 해남겨울배추, 이천쌀, 철원쌀이 등록되었고 지역 경제 활성화에도 가교 역할을 하고 있어 다양한 품목에 대한 지리적 표시 등록을 위한 연구가 적극적으로 진행되고 있다. 본 고에서는최근 수행한 음성 고추, 제주 광어, 제주 감귤의 지리적 특성과 품질 특성과의 관계를 조사 분석한 연구내용을 소개하고자 하였다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.16 no.4
• /
• pp.141-167
• /
• 1994

본 연구는 현행 우리나라 노사관계(勞使關係)의 특정을 분석한 후, 미(美) 일(日) 등 선진국가의 노사관계(勞使關係) 경험으로부터 시사점을 도출하여 경제적(經濟的) 합리성(合理性)에 기초한 합리적(合理的) 노사관계(勞使關係)를 정립하기 위한 기본방향(基本方向)과 제도개선방안(制度改善方案)을 제시하였다. 첫째, 파업비용(罷業費用)이 작아 노동조합의 힘이 과도하게 커졌던 교섭력(交涉力)의 부균형(不均衡) 구조(構造)를 개선해야 한다. 반면에 한계근로자(限界勤勞者)는 주로 근로기준법(勤勞基準法)에 의해 보호를 받고 있으므로 법정근로기준(法定勤勞基準)을 일률적(一律的)으로 하향조정(下向調整)하는 것은 바람직하지 않다. 둘째, '종업원만족(從業員滿足)을 통한 고객만족(顧客滿足)', '정보공유(情報共有)를 통한 파업예방(罷業豫防)'을 위해 노사협의회(勞使協議會)의 기능을 강화(强化)하여 근로자(勤勞者) 경영참여(經營參與)를 확대(擴大)해야 한다. 셋째 유연(柔軟)한 인력관리(人力管理)를 위해 고용관계(雇傭關係)의 경직성을 초래하는 법 제도를 개선해야 한다. 유연한 고용조정을 위한 정리해고규제(整理解雇規制) 완화(緩和), 다양한 근로관계의 형성에 유연하게 대응하기 위한 고용결약(雇傭契約)의 자유화(自由化) 확대(擴大)등이 이루어져야 할 것이다. 넷째, 노사분쟁(勞使紛爭)의 소지가 많아지고 파업(罷業)의 경제적(經濟的) 비용(費用)이 크게 증대될 것이므로 노사분쟁처리의 공정성(公正性)을 제고하기 위해 중재위원(仲裁委員) 선정방법(選定方法) 개선(改善) 등의 제도개선이 있어야 한다.

• KDI Journal of Economic Policy
• /
• v.18 no.2
• /
• pp.63-116
• /
• 1996

우리나라 제조업(製造業)의 수직적(垂直的) 구조(構造)는 선진공업국에 비하여 소(小) 영세기업(零細企業)의 비중이 월등히 높은 피라미드형의 형태를 보이며 80년대말 이후 소기업군의 확대는 더욱 두드러지고 있다. 이처럼 소기업의 비중이 높아진 것은 제조업체들이 가격경쟁력(價格競爭力)을 높이기 위하여 생산비용이 높게 드는 자체생산(自體生産)을 가능한 한 줄이고 임금(賃金)이 낮은 중소기업으로 생산공정을 이양해 왔기 때문이다. 소기업 비중이 높은 분업구조는 가격경쟁력이 중시되어 생산을 분업화해야 하는 경제체제에서는 높은 효율성(效率性)을 발휘한다고 평가할 수 있다. 90년대에 이르러 중소기업이 저가(低價)의 생산요소(生産要素)를 조달받기 어려운 경제여건이 조성되면서 중소기업의 경영불안이 높아지는 등 가격경쟁력을 유지하기 위한 생산분업체제(生産分業體制)는 한계(限界)에 도달한 것으로 보인다. 따라서 대기업과 중소기업간 분업도 기술(技術) 중심의 분업관계(分業關係)로 전환되어야 할 단계에 이르렀다고 볼 수 있다. 그러나 종전과 같이 소기업(小企業)에 의존하는 분업구조(分業構造)로는 기술분업(技術分業)이 정착되기 어렵다. 왜냐하면 연구개발, 전문인력의 고용 등 기술개발과 관련된 기업활동에는 생산량에 관계없이 고정비용(固定費用)이 들어서 기술개발 비용과 위험을 분산시키려면 기업의 생산규모가 상당히 커져야 하기 때문이다. 이는 소기업 중심의 분업구조가 중견기업(中堅企業)중심의 구조로 개편(改編)되어야 함을 의미한다. 중견기업이 육성되려면 첫째, 대기업과 직거래하는 중소업체(中小業體)의 수(數)가 축소되어야 한다. 거래업체수의 과다는 기업규모를 영세하게 만드는 가장 직접적 요인이기 때문이다. 그러나 거래업체의 정리과정에서 기존업체들이 중소기업 보호여론을 등에 업고 반발할 수 있고, 대기업이 교섭력을 강화하기 위한 수단으로 악용할 수 있으므로 객관적이고 투명한 정리기준의 제시가 전제되어야 한다. 둘째, 대기업의 중소기업에 대한 대폭적 자본참여(資本參與)가 허용되어야 한다. 대기업의 자본참여는 중소기업 지배를 강화할 것으로 우려되어 현재는 극히 부분적으로 허용하고 있으나, 개방경제하에서는 대기업과 국내 중소기업간의 협력관계를 유지시키는 효과적 수단으로 작용하게 될 것이다. 셋째, 은행 등 금융자본(金融資本)의 중견기업에 대한 투자(投資) 활성화(活性化)가 필요하다. 금융자율화로 금융기관의 수익성이 강조되는 상태에서 금융자본이 거래업체의 주주(株主)로서 참여하면 경영정보를 손쉽게 파악할 수 있어 우량업체의 신속한 육성이 가능해질 수 있다.

• Analyses & Alternatives
• /
• v.8 no.3
• /
• pp.171-200
• /
• 2024

Labour unions have traditionally been regarded as a key actor in improving income inequality. However, recent studies have revealed that the relationship between labour unions and income inequality is not straightforward but it varies depending on various institutional and political contexts. This study focuses on institutions of collective bargaining and government partisanship as major conditions affecting the income inequality reduction effect of labour unions and attempts an empirical analysis. In particular, we systematically analyzed the effects of union density on income inequality in terms of market income and disposable income, using panel data from OECD countries of the period 1990~2019 when the Cold War ended and globalization intensified. The analytical results show that the effect of unions on reducing income inequality was more pronounced in disposable income than in market income, and the effect was conditional. The union's effects varied depending on the degree of centralization of collective bargaining rather than the coordination mechanism. Contrary to previous studies, the union's impact was evidenced in centrist governments rather than left-wing governments. These findings indicates that in the era of globalization, labour unions are adopting more flexible political strategies, moving away from their traditional relationship with left-wing parties. These results suggests that unions' political and economic roles shows both continuity and change in the era of rising inequality.