• Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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• v.11 no.1
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• pp.113-123
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• 2009

This study was carried out to determine effects of long-term supply of Cordyceps militaris mycelia on cordycepin content in milk in dairy cows. Ten Holstein cows in the early stages of lactation were divided into two groups. Control group received no supplement whereas treatment group received 6% of C. militaris mycelia of their dry matter intake for 6 months. Feed intake, milk urea nitrogen and somatic cell counts were not affected by long-term supply of C. militaris mycelia for the whole period. In addition, milk yield and milk composition were not affected by long-term supply of C. militaris mycelia at any time of the periods with the exception of milk protein content and yield. The average of milk protein content and yield from the whole period was higher for C. militaris mycelia supplement group than for the control group. As expected, cordycepin in whole blood and milk was not detected in the control group. The range of cordycepin content in the treatment was 0.31~0.38µ/ml and 0.18~0.26(µ/ml for whole blood and milk, respectively. Individual variation was found to be very high and, furthermore cordycepin was undetected in some milk samples. Thus, no clear pattern could be seen in cordycepin content in milk throughout the whole period. Overall, the results of the present study suggest that the transfer efficiency of cordycepin to milk by supplementing C. militaris mycelia in dairy cows was unpredictable and low.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.54-60
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• 2022

The planting date of corn for silage has been delayed because of spring drought and double cropping system in Korea. This experiment was conducted to evaluate agronomic characteristics, forage production and feed value of corn at April and May in 2019. Experimental design was a split-plot with three replications. Planting dates (12 April and 10 May) were designated to the main plot, and corn hybrids ('P0928', 'P1543' and 'P2088') to the subplot. The silking days of the early planting date (12 April) was 79 days and that of the late planting date (10 May) was 66 days (p<0.0001), however, there were no significant differences among the corn hybrids. Ear height of the late planting date was higher than that of the early planting (p<0.05), while there were no significant differences in plant height of corn. Insect resistance at the early planting was lower than that of late planting (p<0.05), however, lodging resistance was no significant difference at planting date. The rice black streaked virus (RBSDV) infection of early planting was 3.7% and that of late planting was 0.3% (p<0.001). Dry matter (DM) contents of stover, ear and whole plant had significant difference at planting date (p<0.05). And differences in ear percentages were observed among the corn hybrids (p<0.01). And ear percentages of early maturing corn ('P0928') was higher than for other hybrids. Ear percentage at the early planting date was higher than that at the late planting date (p<0.01). DM and total digestible nutrients (TDN) yields had significant difference at planting date, however, there were no significant differences among the corn hybrids. DM and TDN yields at the late planting (21,678 kg/ha and 14,878 kg/ha) were higher than those of the early planting (13,732 kg/ha and 9,830 kg/ha). Crude protein content at the early planting date was higher than that of the late planting. Acid detergent fiber content of the late planting was lower than that of the early planting date (p<0.01), while there were no significant neutral detergent fiber content difference among the corn tested. Calculated net energy for lactation (NE_L) and TDN at the early planting were higher than those of at the late planting (p<0.01). Results of this our study indicate that the late planting date (May) is better than early planting date (April) in forage yield and feed value of corn. Therefore, the delay of planting date by May was more suitable for use in cropping system.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.68-76
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• 1996

To elucidate the optimum fertilizer level and application method for band application under puddled-soil drill seeding in Jeonbuk series of fluvio-marine alluvial soil at National Honam Agricultural Experiment Station in 1995, using Dongjinbyeo, slow releasing compound fertilizer of 100％ and 80％ to conventional application level was applied totally as basal fertilizer simultaneously with seeding under 3cm and 5cm depth from soil surface in a distance of 4cm from the seeded row. Plant height was taller and tiller number was higher in band application than conventional application but ratio of effective tiller was vice versa. Panicle number was more but ratio of effective tiller ratio was lower in 100％ than 80％ level of band application and they were higher in 3cm than 5cm depth from soil surface. Leaf area index and dry weight was higher in conventional application at early growth stage but was vice versa after maximum tillering stage, and they were higher in 3cm depth at early growth stage but 5cm depth after maximum tillering stage. NH$_4$-N in soil was higher in conventional application at 25 days after seeding but, thereafter was lower than band application and it was higher in 3cm than 5cm depth till 40 days after seeding but was versa, thereafter. Lodging degree was slightly higher in band application, 100％ level and 5cm depth than in their counterparts. Panicle number and grain number per $m^2$ was lower in conventional application than 80％ or 100％ level of band application without significant difference between band application levels or application methods. Yield was higher at 80％ level of band application under 3cm depth than conventional application, but no significantly different among other application methods. Therefore, 80％ level of band application under 3cm depth of soil surface was more effective for puddled-soil drill seeding on the basis of the reduction of application efforts, better plant growth and higher yield in rice.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.18
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• pp.88-123
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• 1975

To obtain useful fundamental informations for improving cultural practices of barley, an investigation was made on the influences of different fertilizer level and seeding rate as well as seeding date on yield and yield components and their balancing procedure using barley variety Suwon ＃ 18, and at the same time, 8 varieties including Suwon ＃ 18 were also tested to clarify the varietal responses in terms of their yield and yield components under different seeding date at Crop Experiment Station, Suwon, during the period of 1969 and 1970. The results obtained were summarized as follows; 1. Days to emergence of barley variety Suwon ＃ 18 at Suwon, took 8 to 19 days in accordance with given different seeding date (from Sept. 21 to Oct. 31). Earlier emergence was observed by early seeding and most of the seeds were emerged at 15$0^{\circ}C$ cumulated soil temperature at 5cm depth from surface under the favorable condition. 2. Degree of cold injury in different seeding date was seemed to be affected by the growth rate of seedlings and climatic condition during the wintering period. Over growth and number of leaves less than 5 to 6 on the main stem before wintering were brought in severe cold damage during the wintering period. 3. Even though the number of leaves on the main stem were variable from 11 to 16 depending upon the seeding date. this differences were occurred before wintering and less variation was observed after wintering. Particularly, differences of the number of main stem leaves from September 21 to October 11 seeding date were occurred due to the differences of number of main stem leaves before wintering. 4. Dry matter accumulation before wintering was high in early seeded plot and gradually decreased in accordance with delayed seeding date and less different in dry matter weight was observed after wintering. However, the increment rate of this dry matter was high from regrowth to heading time and became low during the ripening period. 5. Number of tillers per $\m^2$ was higher in early seeding than late one and dense planting was higher in the number of tillers than sparse planting. Number of tillers per plant was lower in number and variation in dense planting, and reverse tendency was observed in sparse planting. By increasing seedling rate in early seeding date the number of tiller per plant was remarkably decreased, but the seeding rate didn't affect the individual tillering capacity in the late seeding date. 6. Seedlings were from early planting reached maximum tillering stage earlier than those from the late planting and no remarkable changes was observed due to increased seeding rate. However. increased seeding rate tends to make it earlier the maximum tillering stage early. 7. Stage of maximum tillering was coincided with stage of 4-5 main stem leaves regardless the seeding date. 8. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was increased with increased seeding rate but considerable year variation in number of heads was observed by increased fertilizer level. Therefore, it was clear that there is no difficulties in increasing number of heads per $\m^2$ through increasing both fertilizer level and seeding rate. This type of tendency was more remarkable at optimum seeding time. In the other hand, seeding at optimum time is more important than increasing seeding rate, but increasing seeding rate was more effective in late seeding for obtaining desirable number of heads per $\m^2$. 9. Number of heads per $\m^2$ was decreased generally in all varieties tested in late seeding, but the degree of decrease by late seeding was lower in Suwon ＃ 18. Yuegi, Hangmi and Buheung compared with Suwon ＃ 4, Suwon ＃ 6, Chilbo and Yungwolyukak. 10. Highly significant positive correlations were obtained between number of head and tillers per $\m^2$ from heading date in September 21 seeding, from before-wintering in October 1 seeding and in all growth period from October 11 to October 31 seeding. However, relatively low correlation coefficient was estimated between number of heads and tillers counted around late March to early April in any seeding date. 11. Valid tiller ratio varied from 33% to 76% and highest yield was obtained when valid tiller ratio was about 50%. Therefore, variation of valid tiller ratio was greater due to seeding date differences than due to seeding rate. Early seeding decreased the valid tiller ratio and gradually increased by delaying seeding date but decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the varieties tested Suwon ＃ 18, Hangmi, Yuegi as well as Buheung should be high valid tiller ratio not only in late seeding but also in early seeding. In contrast to this phenomena, Chilbo, Suwon ＃ 4, Suwon ＃ 6 and Yungwolyukak expressed low valid tiller ratio in general, and also exhibited the same tendency in late seeding date. 12. Number of grains per spike was increased by increasing fertilizer level and decreased by increasing seeding rate. Among the seeding date tested. October 21 (1969) and October 11 (1970) showed lowest number of grains per spike which was increased in both early seeding and late seeding date. There were no definite tendencies observed along with seeding date differences in respective varieties tested. 13. Variation of 1000 grain weight due to fertilizer level applied, seeding date and seeding rate was not so high as number of grains per spike and number of heads per $\m^2$, but exhibited high year variation. Increased seeding rate decreased the 1000 grain weight. Among the varieties tested Chilbo and Buheung expressed heavy grain weight, while Suwon ＃ 18, Hangmi and Yuegi showed comparatively light grain weight. 14. Optimum seeding date in Suwon area was around October 1 to October 11. Yield was generally increased by increasing fertilizer level. Yield decrease due to early seeding was compensated in certain extent by increased fertilizer application. 15. Yield variations due to seeding rate differences were almost negligible compare to the variations due to fertilizer level and seeding date. In either early seeding or law fertilizer level yield variation due to seeding rate was not so remarkable. Increment of fertilizer application was more effective for yield increase especially at increased seeding rate. And also increased seeding rate fairly compensated the decrease of yield in late seeding date. 16. Optimum seeding rate was considered to be around 18-26 liters per 10a at N-P-K=10.5-6-6 kg/10a fertilizer level considering yield stabilization. 17. Varietal differences in optimum seeding date was quite remarkable Suwon ＃ 6, Suwon ＃ 4. Buheung noted high yield at early seeding and Suwon ＃ 18, Yuegi and Hangmi yielded higher in seeding date of October 10. However, Buheung showed late seeding adaptability. 18. Highly significant positive correlations were observed between yield and yield components in all treatments. However, this correlation coefficient was increased positively by increased fertilizer level and decreased by increased seeding rate. Significant negative correlation coefficients were estimated between yield and number of grains per spike, since increased number of heads per m2 at the same level of fertilizer tends to decrease the number of grains per spike. Comparatively low correlation coefficients were estimated between 1000 grain weight and yield. 19. No significant relations in terms of correlation coefficients was observed between number of heads per $\m^2$ and 1000 grain weight or number of grains per head.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.141-158
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• 1994

To provide better health care services to the rural population, the government has made the Community Health Practitioner(CHP) a regular government official from April 1, 1992. This study was carried out to study the impact of officialization of CHP on the activities and management system of Primary Health Post(PHP). Fifty PHPs were selected by two stage sampling, cluster and simple random, from 595 PHPs in Kyungnam and Kyungpook provinces. Data were collected by a personal interview with CHPs and review of records and reports kept in the PHPs. The study was done for the periods of January 1-March 31, 1992 (before officialization) and January 1-March 31, 1993 (after officialization). Ninety-six percent of the CHPs wanted to become a regular government official in the hope of better job security and higher salary. The proportion of CHPs who were proud of their iob was increased from 24% to 46% after officialization. Those CHPs who felt insecure for their job decreased from 30% to 10%. Monthly salary was increased by 34% from 802,600 Won to 1,076,000 Won and 90% of the CHPs were satisfied with their salary, also more CHPs responded that they have autonomy in their work planning, implementation of plan, management of the post, and evaluation of their activity. There were no appreciable changes in such CHPs' activities as assessment of local health resources, drawing map for the catchment area, utilization of community organization, grasping the current population structure in the catchment area, keeping the family health records, individual and group health education, and school health service. However, the number of home visits was increased from 13.6 times on the average per month per CHP to 27.5 times. More mothers and children were referred to other medical facilities for the immunization and family planning services. Average number of patients of hypertension, cancer, and diabetes in three months period was decreased from 12.7 to 11.6, from 1.5 to 1.2, and 4.3 to 3.4, respectively. Records for the patient care, drug management, and equipment were well kept but not for other records. The level of record keeping was not changed after officialization. The proportion of PHPs which had support from the health center was increased for drug supply from 14.0% to 30.0%, for consumable commodities from 22.0% to 52.0%, for maintenance of PHP from 54.0% to 68.0%, for supply of health education materials from 34.0% to 44.0%, and supply of equipment from 54.0% to 58.0%. Total monthly revenue of a PHP was increased by about 50,000 Won; increased by 22,000 Won in patient care and 34,700 Won in the government subsidy but decreased in the membership due and donation. However, there was no remarkable changes in the expenditure. The proportion of PHPs which had received official notes from the health center for the purpose of guidance and supervision of the CHPs was increased from 20% to 38% during three months period and the average number of telephone call for supervision from the health center per PHP was increased from 1.8 to 2.1 times(p<0.01). However, the proportion of PHPs that had supervisory visit and conference was reduced from 79% to 62%, and from 88% to 74%, respectively. The proportion of CHPs who maintained a cooperative relationship with Myun Health Workers was reduced from 42% to 36%, that with the director of health center from 46% to 24%, that with the chief of public health administration section from 56% to 36%, and that with the chairman of PHP management council from 62% to 38%. Most of the CHPs (92% before and 82% after officialization) stated that the PHP management council is not helpful for the PHP. CHPs who considered the PHP management council unnecessary increased from 4% to 16%(p<0.05). Suggestions made by the CHPs for the improvement of CHP program included emphasis on health education, assurance of autonomy for PHP management, increase of the kind of drugs that can be dispensed by CHPs, and appointment of an experienced CHP in the health center as the supervisor of CHPs. The results of this study revealed that the role and function of CHPs as reflected in their activities have not been changed after officialization. However, satisfaction in job security and salary was improved as well as the autonomy. Support of health center to the PHP was improved but more official notes were sent to the PHPs which required the CHPs more paper works. Number of telephone calls for supervision was increased but there was little administrative and technical guidance for the CHP activities.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.40-52
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• 2016

Buyongjeong, a pavilion in the Rear Garden of Changdeok Palace, was appointed as Treasure No. 1763 on March 2, 2012, by the South Korea government since it shows significant symmetry and proportion on its unique planar shape, spatial configuration, building decoration, and so forth. However, the designation of Treasure selection was mainly evaluated by concrete science, in that the selection has not clearly articulated how and why Buoungjeong was constructed as a present unique form. Therefore, this study aims to clarify the identity of Buyongjeong at the time of construction by considering its historical, ideological, philosophical background and building intention. Summary are as follows: First, Construction backgrounds and characters of Buyongjeong: Right after the enthronement, King Jeongjo had founded Kyujanggak(奎章閣), and sponsored civil ministers who were elected by the national examination, as a part of political reform. In addition, he established his own political system by respecting "Kaksin(閣臣)", Kyujanggak's officials as much as "Kain(家人)", internal family members. King Jeongjo's aggressive political reform finally enabled King's lieges to visit King's Rear Garden. In the reign of King Jeongjo's 16th year(1792), Naekaksangjohoe(內閣賞釣會) based on "Kaksin" was officially launched and the Rear Garden visitation became a regular meeting. The Rear Garden visitation consisted of "Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)" - enjoying flowers and fishing, and activities of "Nanjeongsugye". Afterward, it eventually became a huge national event since high rank government officials participated the event. King Jeongjo shared the cultural activities with government officials together to Buyongjeong as a place to fulfill his royal politics. Second, The geographical location and spatial characteristics of Buyongjeong: On the enthronement of King Jeongjo(1776), he renovated Taeksujae. Above all, aligning and linking Gaeyuwa - Taeksujae - a cicular island - Eosumun - Kyujangkak along with the construction axis is an evidence for King Jeongjo to determine how the current Kyujangkak zone was prepared and designed to fulfill King Jeonjo's political ideals. In 17th year(1793) of the reign of King Jeongjo, Taeksujae, originally a square shaped pavilion, was modified and expanded with ranks to provide a place to get along with the King and officials. The northern part of Buyongjeong, placed on pond, was designed for the King's place and constructed one rank higher than others. Discernment on windows and doors were made with "Ajasal" - a special pattern for the King. The western and eastern parts were for government officials. The center part was prepared for a place where government officials were granted an audience with the King, who was located in the nortern part of Buyongjeong. Government officials from the western and eastern parts of Buyongjeong, could enter the central part of the Buyongjeong from the southern part by detouring the corner of Buyongjeong. After all, Buyongjeong is a specially designed garden building, which was constructed to be a royal palace utilizing its minimal space. Third, Cultural Values of Buyongjeong: The Buyongjeong area exhibits a trait that it had been continuously developed and it had reflected complex King's private garden cultures from King Sejo, Injo, Hyunjong, Sukjong, Jeongjo and so forth. In particular, King Jeongjo had succeded physical, social and imaginary environments established by former kings and invited their government officials for his royal politics. As a central place for his royal politics, King Jeongjo completed Buyongjeong. Therefore, the value of Buyongjeong, as a garden building reflecting permanency of the Joseon Dynasty, can be highly evaluated. In addition, as it reflects Confucianism in the pavilion - represented by distinguishing hierarchical ranks, it is a unique example to exhibit its distinctiveness in a royal garden.

• Korean Journal of Organic Agriculture
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• v.27 no.3
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• pp.365-380
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• 2019

Total of 20 Holstein calves of 10 calves (3.90±0.26 month of age) born in spring (S) and 10 calves (4.10±0.30 month of age) born in fall (F) were reared in this study for 24 months and diets were divided into separate feeding of forage and concentrates (C) and TMR (T). Therefore, 4 treatments in this study were composed of CS, CF, TS and TF with the factors of diets and calving season. After parturition of heifers, all animals were fed the same diet and milk production was recorded monthly. DM intakes in growing period were influenced by calving season, and those of the animals calved in fall were higher than in those calved in spring (P<0.01), but there were no significant differences by feeding method. CP intakes and TDN intakes were significantly influenced by calving season (P<0.05) and feeding method (P<0.001), and the animals calved in fall were about 1.2% higher than those calved in spring, and the animals fed TMR were about 4.7% higher than those fed concentrates and forage separately. Average, 9th and 10th months' milk yields were significantly influenced by feeding method in which those in the treatments fed TMR (TS, TF) were higher than in separate feeding of concentrates and forage (CS, CF; average P<0.05; 9th and 10th months P<0.01). Average milk persistency was also significantly influenced by calving season (P<0.05) and feeding method (P<0.01) and those in the animals calved in fall were higher than in spring and those of the TMR fed animals were also higher than in separate feeding of concentrates and forage. Milk persistency was similar to the results of milk yield, showing statistically significant differences affected by the feeding method at 9th and 10th months of late lactation (P<0.01), and it was about 8% higher in the animals fed TMR, showing higher tendency at 7th (P=0.12) and 8th months of late lactation (P=0.09). Therefore, it is expected that postpartum milk yield and milk persistency would be higher when the hiefers are fed TMR in growing period and calved in fall. Average milk fat content was influenced by feeding method. Milk fat content of the animals fed TMR during growing period were 7.8% higher than those fed concentrates and forage separately (P<0.01). This suggests that feeding TMR during growing period influenced first postpartum eating behavior, which stabilized the rumen and resulted in the increased milk fat. At 3rd month after calving, milk fat content was lower in the animals calved in spring than in those calved in fall, suggesting that it might have been influenced by the seasonal differences. MUN showed significant differences by feeding method in which those in separate feeding of concentrates and forages were higher especially in average, 4th, 5th and 6th months (average and 4th P<0.01; 5th and 6th months P<0.05). SCC was higher in the animals fed TMR than in those fed concentrates and forage separately especially in average, 3rd and 4th months after calving (P<0.01). In conclusion, when feeding TMR during growing period and calving in fall, it was not influenced by the high temperature in summer, and it resulted in the improved milk yield, milk persistency and milk fat content.

• Journal of Animal Environmental Science
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• v.16 no.1
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• pp.81-92
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• 2010

This study was conducted to evaluate the effects of fermented diets including liquid by-products on nutrient digestibility and nitrogen balance in growing pigs. Treatments were 1) CON (basal diet), 2) F (fermented diet with basal diet), 3) KF (fermented diet with basal diet including 30% kale pomace), 4) AF (fermented diet with basal diet including 30% angelica keiskei pomace), 5) CF (fermented diet with basal diet including 30% carrot pomace) and 6) OF (fermented diet with basal diet including 30% grape pomace). A total of 24 pigs (41.74kg average initial body weight, Landrace $\times$ Yorkshire $\times$ Duroc), were assigned to 6 treatments, 4 replicates and 1 pig per metabolic cage in a randomized complete block (RCB) design. Pigs were housed in $0.5\times1.3m$ metabolic cage in a 17d digestibility trial. During the entire experimental period, Digestibility of dry matter (p<0.05) of treatment CON, F and CF were higher than other treatments. In crude protein digestibility, treatment F was higher than treatment AF and GF (p<0.05). Treatment GF showed the lowest digestibility of crude fiber among all treatments (p<0.05). In ether extract digestibility, treatment AF and CF showed higher than other treatments (p<0.05) except KF treatment. CF treatment showed the best digestibility of ash among all treatments (p<0.05). Whereas, For Ca and P digestibility, CF and OF treatments were improved than other treatments (p<0.05). Energy digestibility (p<0.05) of CON, F and CF treatments were higher than KF, AF and GF treatments. In total essential amino acid digestibility, F treatment was improved than AF, CF and GF treatments (p<0.05). In total non-essential amino acid digestibility, F treatment was higher than CON, AF and GF treatments (p<0.05). In total amino acid digestibility, F treatment was higher than AF and CF treatments (p<0.05) and GF treatment showed the lowest digestibility (p<0.05). In fecal nitrogen excretion ratio, GF treatment was greatest among all treatments (p<0.05) and F treatment was decreased than other treatments (p<0.05). In urinary nitrogen excretion ratio, CON and GF treatments showed the lowest among all treatments (p<0.05). In nitrogen retention ratio, CON treatment showed the high and KF treatment showed the lost among all treatments (p<0.05). Therefore, this experiment suggested that fermented diet could improve nutrient and amino acid digestibilities of growing pigs.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.