• Monthly Duck's Village
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• s.83
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• pp.103-105
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• 2010

물과 나무, 꽃 등 자연과 하나 된 순백의 오리들은 그림 속에서 행복한 표정으로 유유자적 여유롭기만 하다. 김비아 작가는 오리가 남을 해하지 않는 순한 동물, 보호하고 싶은 존재라고 하며, 타인들에 주목받지 못하는 우리네와 꼭 같다고 설명한다. 김 작가는 화려한 백조에만 주목하는 세상에서 오리는 소외된 사람들, 주목받지 못한 사람들과 같다고 말하면서, 오리가 춤(춤 출 무, 舞)을 춘다는 뜻의 이번 전시를 통해 이러한 사람들의 긍정적인 마인드를 표현하고자 한 것이라고.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.21 no.10
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• pp.767-773
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• 2021

This thesis is a study on the rhythm of the funeri dance among the East Coast Guts. The jangdans used in the East Coast Gut are used for dance, samurai, and play scenes. In addition, it is a means for the shaman to perform the gut smoothly, and it also includes a role to represent humans and gods. In particular, the funeri jangdan has been performed in the preparatory stage before worshiping the god, prior to the ceremony of worshiping the god. Therefore, it can be said that it is a meaningful jangdan with a procedure for preparing to welcome the god and performing rituals and bows. In fact, if you are constrained by time while performing a gut, long jangdans respond with fast jangdans and sing samurai. On the other hand, the funeri jangdan is played without omission without any special measures. However, there are cases where one of Chapter 1 or Chapter 2 is omitted for circumstances, or only Chapter 3 is played. In other words, the verse of chapter 3 must be played. Judging from this aspect, it can be confirmed that the functional and ceremonial part of this jangdan is important to the progress of the funery jangdan. Therefore, if the position and function of the jangdan are recognized and the work is created through this study, its artistry and tradition will be further developed, and it is thought that it can be a stepping stone to increase the value of traditional art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.63-94
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• 2010

Research on Gong Ok-jin's choreography and its artistic value is still insufficient in the academia of Korea. Her life cannot be said even or smooth - she was born into an artist family with abundant innate talent and sensitivity, feeling joy and sorrow as a gypsy artist begging for food, facing and overcoming the crisis of her trademark deformed dance during the period when she played the solo performance of Changmugeuk, making a transition to the animal dance and finally to the sick dance getting her health back from the long struggle against disease. Her life, however, has always been an artistic expression and we can know that art has been the consolation and driving force of her life. In the Korean artistic tradition that integrates music, singing and dancing, it is beyond doubt that the third has been rather secondary compared with the first two. In the Changmugeuk, however, Gong Ok-jin focuses on each movement of hers, commensurate with the humorous witticism and the traditional opera of pansori. What is her message in such painstaking movements? She puts gestures ahead of words and continues them, reminding her audience of the meaning of dance and driving it into them. Especially, her deformed dance, unprecedented in choreographic history, is hard to understand if you do not sympathize with Koreans' innermost emotions. If you are to understand it, you should first feel what emotions are in Koreans' mentality to be expressed in the form of choreographic elements and what artistic values they carry. This study, in this context, is to reflect upon the original choreographic form of her Changmugeuk solo and to overview Korean dance's unique emotional values with regard to the way Korean choreographic subject matters and traditions are passed down.

• Trans-
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• v.3
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• pp.137-162
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• 2017

This is a study about the arts as political tools by absolute royal authority in time of Louis X IV through the movie Le Roi danse(2000). The King, Louis X IV was an enthusiast of Arts. During the during the reign of Louis X IV, French Baroque art was blossomed exuberantly. the movie shows how the King uses the arts as a tool of his absolute authority. there are artists, Jean Baptiste Lully and Moliere, and while the movies shows how these artists could get the King's confidence and the king manipulate the arts for strengthen his authority as an absolute royalty.

• Trans-
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• v.7
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• pp.1-17
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• 2019

In this study, it is recognized that the new social media has a great social impact and influence, and contemporary dance works that attempted to combine dance and media based on 'interview' are able to bring the value of dance art in a unique way. Currently, many art groups and choreographers are gradually awakening to the audience's thoughts by carefully studying new choreography techniques and forms in order to reach the audience effectively. These changes are meaningful and valuable as contents that will lead to diversification according to technological progress, industrialization of the 21st century, development of dance audience, expansion of stage, and enjoyment of dance arts. Therefore, it will be an inquiry study which analyzes through the literature and images of domestic and foreign dance works using interviews as a material, and finally examines what kind of choreography is used as the interview material in dance works and suggests its effectiveness.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.35
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• pp.249-286
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• 2017

This study was started the problem consciousness on the tendency of current research which has only focused on specific school even though Salpurichum, which is passed down today, has passed through the first half of the 20th century. We can classify the data in which the tradition aspect of Salpurichum can be researched, into before and after the 1930s, the former is very faint but the latter is a national data at the national level so it is considered they can give a certain degree of trust in understanding the tradition. Even though the data before 1930s is insufficient but it possesses the historical value that tells the phenomenon of that time, this study intends to analyze while reflecting many socio-cultural contexts as much as possible, tries to understand the situation since the 1930s through the actual investigation of the survey report.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.4-21
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate changes of Jinju Sword Dance, characteristics of the changes, and the current condition of its preservation and succession after the designation as the important intangible cultural property no. 12 in January 16th, 1967. In other words, this study understands the situation which has established the present state of after changes over generations. As of now. the year of 2015, the 3 generation holders have been approved since 1967. In 1967, 8 members of $1^{st}$ generation holders were selected from gisaengs of Gwonbeon. However, the succession training was incomplete due to conflicts among the holders, the deaths of some holders, and economic activities of the individuals. As the need of a pivot for succession training and activities was rising, Seong, Gye-Ok was additionally approved as the $2^{nd}$ generation holder on June $21^{st}$, 1978. Seong, Gye-Ok who had never been a gisaeng had dramatically changed with a lot of new attempts. After the death of Seong, Gye-Ok in 2009, Kim, Tae-Yeon and Yu, Yeong-Hee were approved as the $3^{rd}$ generation holders in February, 2010. Based on the resources including the "Cultural Research Reports of Important Intangible Cultural Properties" in 1966 and videos up to 2014, the changes of the dance and surroundings are as follow. 1. The formation of musical accompaniment has been changed during the 3 generations. In the video of the $1^{st}$ generation(in 1970), the performance lasted about 15 minutes, whereas the performance lasted 25 minutes in the video of the $2^{nd}$ generation. Yumbuldoduri rhythm was considered as Ginyumbul(Sangryeongsan) and played more slowly. The original dance requiring only 15 rhythms was extended to 39 rhythms to provide longer performance time. In the $3^{rd}$ generation, the dance recovered 15 rhythms using the term Ginyumbul. The facts that Yumbul was played for 3 minutes in the $1^{st}$ generation but for 5 minutes in the 3rd generation shows that there was tendency pursuing the slowness from the $2^{nd}$ generation. 2. For the composition of the Dance, the performance included additional 20 rhythms of Ginyumbul and Ah(亞)-shaped formation from the $2^{nd}$ generation. From the $3^{rd}$ generation, the performance excluded the formation which had no traditional base. For the movement of the Dance, the bridge poses of Ggakjittegi and Bangsukdoli have been visibly inflexible. Also, the extention of time value in 1 beat led the Dance less vibrant. 3. At the designation as an important intangible cultural property (in 1967), the swords with rotatable necks were used, whereas the dancers had been using the swords with non-rotatable necks since late 1970s when the $2^{nd}$ generation holder began to used them. The swords in the "Research Reports" (in 1966) was pointy and semilunar, whereas the straight swords are being used currently. The use of the straight swords can be confirmed from the videos after 1970. 4. There is no change in wearing Jeonlib, Jeonbok, and Hansam, whereas the arrangement of Saekdong of Hansam was different from the arrangement shown in the "Research Reports". Also, dancers were considered to begin wearing the navy skirts when the swords with non-rotatable necks began to be used. Those results showed that has been actively changed for 50 years after the designation. The $2^{nd}$ generation holder, Seong, Gye-Ok, was the pivot of the changes. However, , which was already designated as an important intangible cultural property, is considered to be only a victim of the change experiment from the project to restore Gyobang culture in Jinju, and it is a priority to conduct studies with historical legitimacy. First of all, the slowing beat should be emphasized as the main fact to reduce both the liveliness and dynamic beauty of the Dance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.38
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• pp.43-107
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• 2005

A ritual ceremony accompanied by a song and dance is called as Kagura in Japan. The word Kagura is originally derived from Kamukura, which means the place where spirits reside. However, later it came to refer to the whole process of the ritual ceremony itself. Through the field studies, this paper examines Takachiho-kagura, helded in Takachiho, known as the village of myths, located in northern Miyazaki-ken in Japan. Kagura takes place all night through in each and every village in Takachiho and it normally runs from the end of November when the harvest season ends until early February the next year. One ordinary house is especially chosen for this ceremony, in which Kagura performs 33 repertoires. Takachiho-kagura is sometimes called as Yokagura, since the performance takes place over-night. A song and dance is performed by ordinary village people called hoshyadong, who inherited Takachiho-kagura. Currently, the ceremony is held in more than 20 villages and designated by the government as "Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property" in Japan. Takachiho-kagura follows the example of rituals held in Sada shrine in Izumo, which is now eastern Hiroshima-ken. It is the dance using a bell, a sword, a fan, which signify Norimono and is usually combined with mask-play called as Shinno. From the shrine of village, itwelcomes the gods who defense their village, called Ujikami and other 8 million gods, called Yaoyorozunokami, in Kagurayado, where Kagura of 33 repertoires is played in order. Kagura starts from dances for attendance of the gods, Hikomai, Daidono, Kamioroshi, performs dances of Amanoiwato, the gate of heaven's cave in Japanese myths, Dazikara, Uzume, Dotori, and continues dances for the old ghosts Shibahiki, Yatsubachi mixed with acrobatics. Finally, this performance ends with dances to send off the gods, Hinomae, Gurioroshi, Gumooroshi, until the dawn the next morning. This paper explores Takachiho-kagura from the perspective of folk performance with ethnography. These days, ecstasy and oracle do not happen in Takachiho-kagura. However, it kept the old form of folk performance as Kagura held in ordinary house. Especially, in Takachiho, remarkable venue of the Japanese myths, Takachiho-kagura is developed artistically. The first field study was held in Gokamura, Iwato-zone and Ashakabe, Mitai-zone between December 6th and December 12th 1997. Afterwards, the second field study was conducted in the area of Shiba and Ashakabe from December 17th until December 19th 1997 and from December 1st until December 10th 2000.

• Trans-
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• v.9
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• pp.37-66
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• 2020

Entering the 21st century, the flow of society and culture is emerging as a cultural phenomenon in which one experiences, enjoys, and experiences on one's own. This trend has emerged as community dance, which has been active since 2010. Community dances can be targeted by anyone and can be divided into children's, adult and senior citizens' dances depending on the characteristics and age of the group, allowing them to work in various age groups. It also refers to all kinds of dances for the happiness and self-achievement of everyone who can promote gender, race and religion health or meet the needs of expression and improve their physical strength at meetings by age group, from preschoolers to senior citizens. Community dance is a dance activity in which everyone takes advantage of their leisure time and voluntarily participates in joyous activities, making it expandable to lifelong education and social learning. It is a voluntary community gathering conducted by experts for the general public. The definition of community dance can be said to be the aggregate of physical activities that enrich an individual's daily life and enhance their social sense to create a bright society, while individuals achieve the goals of health promotion and aesthetic education. In the contemporary community dance, the dance experience in body and creativity as self-expression reflects the happiness perspective by exploring the positive psychological experience and influence of the participants in the process of participation, and participants have continued networking through online offline to enjoy the dance culture. Although research has been conducted in various fields for 10 years since the boom in community dance began, the actual methodology of the program has been insufficient to present the Feldenkrais Method, hoping that it will be used as a methodology necessary for local community dance, and will be used as part of the educational effects and choreography creation methods of artists that can improve the physical functional aspects of dance and give a sense of psychological stability.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.