• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.1-26
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• 1981

1. Aiming at supply of basic informations on tree species siting and forest fertilization by understanding of soil properties that are demanded by each tree species through studies of forest soil's morphological, physical and chemical properties in relation to tree growth in our country, the necessary data have been collected in the last 10 years, are quantified according to quantification theory and are analyzed in sccordance with multi-variate analysis. 2. Test species, japanese larch (Larix leptolepis Gord) and the Korean white pine, (pinus koraiensis S et Z.) are plantable in extensive areas from mid to north in the temperate forest zone and are the two most recommended reforestation tree species in Korea. However, their respective site demands are little known and they have been in confusion or considered demanding the same site during reforestation. When the Korean white pine is planted in larch sites, it has shown relatively good growth, but, when Japanese larch is planted in Korean white pine site it can be hardly said that the Japanese Larch growth is good. To understand on such a difference soil factors have been studied so as to see how th soil's morphological, physical and chemical factors affect tree growth helped with the electronic computer. 3. All the stands examined are man-made mature forests. From 294 Japanese larch plots and 259 Korean white pine plots dominant trees are cut as samples and through stem analysis site index is determined. For each site index soil profiles are made in the related forest-land for analysis. Soil samples are taken from each profile horizon and forest-land productivity classification tables are worked out through physical and chemical analyses of the soil samples for each tree species for the study of relationships between physical, chemical and the combined physical/properties of soil and tree growth. 4. In the study of relationships between physical properties of soil and tree growth it is found out that Japanese larch growth is influenced by the following factors in the decreasing order of weight deposit form, soil depth, soil moisture, altitude, relief, soil type, depth a A-horizon, soil consistency, content of organic matter, soil texture, bed rock, gravel content, aspect and slope. For the Korean white pine the influencing factors' order is soil type, soil consistency, bed rock, aspect, depth of A-horizon, soil moisture, altitude, relief, deposit form, soil depth, soil texture, gravel content and slope. 5. In the study of relationships between chemical properties of soil and tree growth it is found out that Japanese larch growth is influenced by the following factors in the order of base saturation, organic matter, CaO, C/N ratio, effective $P_2O_5$, PH, exchangeable, $K_2O$, T-N, MgO, CEC, Total Base and Na. For the Korean white pine the influencing factors' order is effective $P_2O_5$, Total Base, T-N, Na, C/N ratio, PH, CaO, base saturation, organic matter, exchangeable $K_2O$, CEC and MgO. 6. In the study of relationships between the combined physical and chemical properties of soil and tree growth it is found out that Japanese larch growth is influenced by the following factors in the order of soil depth, deposit form, soil moisture, PH, relief, soil type altitude, T-N, soil consistency, effective $P_2O_5$, soil texture, depth of A-horizon, Total Base, exchangeable $K_2O$ and base saturation. For the Korean white pine the influencing factors' order is soil type, soil consistency, aspect, effective $P_2O_5$, depth of A-horizon, exchangeable $K_2O$, soil moisture, Total Base, altitude, soil depth, base saturation, relief, T-N, C/N ratio and deposit form. 7. In the multiple correlation of forest soil's physical properties larch's correlation coefficient for Japanese Larch is 0.9272 and for Korean white pine, 0.8996. With chemical properties larch has 0.7474 and Korean white pine has 0.7365. So, the soil's physical properties are found out more closely related with tree growth than chemical properties. However, this seems due to inadequate expression of soil's chemical factors and it is proved that the chemical properities are not less important than the physical properties. In the multiple correlation of the combined physical and chemical properties consisting of important morphological and physical factors as well as chemical factors of forest soils larch's multiple correlation coefficient is found out to be 0.9434 and for Korean white pine it is 0.9103 leading to the highest correlation. 8. As shown in the partial correlation coefficients Japanese larch needs deeper soil depth than Korean white pine and in the deposit form of colluvial and creeping soils are demanded by the larch. Moderately moist to not moist should be soil moisture and PH should be from 5.5 to 6.1 for the larch. Demands of T-N, soil texture and soil nutrients are higher for the larch than the Korean white pine. Thus, soil depth, deposit form, relief, soil moisture, PH, N, altitude and soil texture are good indicators for species sitings with larch and the Korean white pine while soil type and soil consistency are indicative only limitedly of species sitings due to their wide variations as plantation environments. For the larch siting soil depth, deposit form, relief, soil moisture, pH, soil type, N and soil texture are indicators of good growth and for the Korean white pine they are soil type, soil consistency, effective $P_2O_5$ and exchangeable $K_2O$. In soil nutrients larch has been found out demanding more than the Korean white pine except $K_2O$, which is demanded more by the Korean white pine than Japanese larch generally. 9. Physical properties of soil has been known as affecting tree growth to the greatest extent so far. However, as a result of this study it is proved through computer analysis that chemical properties of soil are not less important factors for tree growth than chemical properties and site demands for the Japanese larch and the Korean white pine that have been uncertain so far could be clarified.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.