DOI QR코드

DOI QR Code

The Social Identity Dynamics of Soft Power Narrative Influence: Great Power Diplomatic Bargaining Leverage Amidst Complex Interdependence

  • DeDominicis, Benedict E. (Department of International Studies, Catholic University of Korea)
  • Received : 2022.07.28
  • Accepted : 2022.09.05
  • Published : 2022.09.30

Abstract

Vaccine diplomacy is a manifestation of competition for political influence among great powers amidst the Covid-19 pandemic's blatant illustration of ineluctable interdependency across the global community. The reinforcement of trends bolstering global polity construction intensify concomitantly with nationalist populist value and attitude expressions increasing political polarization. The interdependency graphically illustrated in the Cold War-era's mutual assured destruction incentivized competition into indirect competitive intervention in the internal politics of third actors. Indirect international influence contestations included extended, de facto challenge competitions to generate soft power on behalf of the victor, e.g., the space race. The Covid-19 pandemic has intensified this competition to offer alternative development models while intense domestic political polarization undermines the mobilizational capacities for achieving sustainable development. In contrast to multinational and multiethnic states, nation states have an inherent mobilizational advantage because of the enhanced control capabilities available to the authorities without emphasizing coercion. Control through Gramscian hegemonic mechanisms is more readily feasible in nation states through the greater feasibility of commodification of social relations by states authorities regulating and channeling social competition to encourage social mobility and creativity. The regulation of the so-called private sector serves to manage and contain social competition while channeling it to develop the institutional capacities for control and allocation of developing societal human resources. It enhances developed state control mechanisms and international influence capacities. The appeal of offers of aid and assistance to the so-called developing world becomes ever more urgent amidst Anthropocene crises including its most recent, current Covid-19 pandemic disaster.

Keywords

Acknowledgement

The author would like to thank two anonymous peer reviewers as well as the journal editors for their thoughtful critiques and comments. The author would also like to thank the Virtual Open Research Laboratory program in the Russian, East European, and Eurasian Center at the University of Illinois Urbana-Champaign for digital access to library resources. Any errors and omissions are solely the responsibility of the author.

References

  1. R.W. Cottam and G. Gallucci, The Rehabilitation of Power in International Relations. Pittsburgh: University Center for International Relations, University of Pittsburgh, 1978.
  2. M.L. Cottam and R.W. Cottam, Nationalism and Politics: The Political Behavior of Nation States, Lynne Rienner, 2001.
  3. P. Surowiec, "Post-Truth Soft Power: Changing Facets of Propaganda, Kompromat, and Democracy," Georgetown Journal of International Affairs, Vol. 18, No. 2, pp. 21-27. 2017. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26395920. https://doi.org/10.1353/gia.2017.0033
  4. P.R. Viotti and M.V. Kauppi. International Relations and World Politics, 5th ed. Pearson, 2013.
  5. C. Boehm, 2018. "Collective Intentionality: A Basic and Early Component of Moral Evolution," Philosophical Psychology,Vol 31, No. 5. pp. 680-702, 2018. DOI:10.1080/09515089.2018.1486607.
  6. P. Englebert, "Pre-Colonial Institutions, Post-Colonial States, and Economic Development in Tropical Africa," Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 53, No. 1, pp. 7-36, 2000. DOI:10.2307/449244.
  7. J. Bernacer, J. Garcia-Manglano, E. Camina, and F. Guell, "Polarization of Beliefs as a Consequence of the COVID-19 Pandemic: The Case of Spain," pLoS One, Vol. 16, No. 7, pp. 1-22. 2021. DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0254511.
  8. J.C. Turner, R.J. Brown, and H. Tajfel, "Social Comparison and Group Interest Ingroup Favouritism," European Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 9, No. 2, pp. 187-204. 1979. DOI:10.1002/ejsp.2420090207.
  9. A.E. Crespo and T.N. Appel, "How Competition Drove Social Complexity: The Role of War in the Emergence of States, Both Ancient and Modern," Brazilian Journal of Political Economy / Revista de Economia Politica, Vol. 40, No. 4. pp. 728-45. 2020. DOI:10.1590/0101-31572020-3055.
  10. D. Dawson, "Evolutionary Theory and Group Selection: The Question of Warfare," History and Theory, Vol. 38, No. 4, pp. 79-100. 1999. DOI:10.1111/0018-2656.00105.
  11. B.E. DeDominicis, "The Social Identity Dynamics of Gramscian Hegemony Construction: Building Public Goods Through Nation State Creation, Commodification and Institutionalization of Status Stereotypes," (accepted for publication by the Institute for Business and Finance Research in Review of Business and Finance Studies, forthcoming, in press, 2022).
  12. R. Skarzynski, M. Wajzer, and T. Staniucha, "Mind and Vision: Social Evolution and the Origins of the Political," Social Evolution and History, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 126-63. 2016. https://depot.ceon.pl/handle/123456789/15296.
  13. B.E. DeDominicis, "American Economic Nationalism: Corporatist, Neoliberal and Neo-Corporatist Political Strategic Responses to Contemporary Global Systemic Crises," Review of Business and Finance Studies, Vol. 12, No. 1, pp. 1-30. 2021. https://ssrn.com/abstract=3942044.
  14. A.G. Ross, "Realism, Emotion, and Dynamic Allegiances in Global Politics," International Theory, Vol. 5, No. 2, pp. 273-299. 2013. DOI:10.1017/S175297191300016X.
  15. M.A. Penna, "Movimento Das Comunidades Populares: A Brazilian Uchronic Utopia," Ephemera: Theory and Politics in Organization, Vol. 20, No. 1, pp. 51-89. 2020. http://ephemerajournal.org/sites/default/files/pdfs/issue/20-1.ephemera-feb20.pdf#page=57.
  16. K. Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia, Routledge. 2013 (1936).
  17. P. Wilkin, "The Rise of''Illibera'' Democracy: The Orbanization of Hungarian Political Culture," Journal of World-- Systems Research, Vol. 24, No. 1, pp. 5-42. 2018. DOI:10.5195/jwsr.2018.716.
  18. T. Jacoby, "Global Fascism: Geography, Timing, Support, and Strategy," Journal of Global History, Vol. 11, No. 3, pp. 451-472. 2016. DOI:10.1017/S1740022816000231.
  19. C. Buckley, A. Stevenson and L. Cao,"Xi Eyes Richest in Bid to Build A Middle Class," New York Times, September 7, p. A1. 2021.
  20. T. May,"Chin''s Weibo Suspends 22 K-Pop Fan Accounts," New York Times, September 7, p. B2. 2021.
  21. J. Manfredi-Sanchez, "Globalization and Power: The Consolidation of International Communication as a Discipline. Review Article," El Profesional De La Informacion, Vol. 29, No. 1, pp. 1-28. 2020. DOI:10.3145/epi.2020.ene.11.
  22. E. Schere, "Soft Power-- the Underestimated Strategy for Global Influence," The Fletcher Forum of World Affairs, Vol. 45, No. 2, pp. 41-63. 2021. https://heinonline.org/HOL/LandingPage?handle=hein.journals/forwa45&div=20&id=&page=.
  23. J. Bouie, "Tucker Carlson Has a New Hero, and the Admiration Is Mutual: [Op-Ed]," New York Times, August 7, p. A17. 2021.
  24. H.J. Morgenthau, "Soviet Policy and World Conquest," Current History, Vol. 37, No. 219, pp. 290-94. 1959. https://doi.org/10.1525/curh.1959.37.219.290
  25. R.K.Herrmann, "Realist Foreign Policy: Containing the Romance of Nationalism and Nationalistic Universalism," Prepared for "What is a Realist Foreign Policy? A conference at The Mershon Center for International Security Studies, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio. Sponsored by the Mershon Center and the Charles Koch Foundation, March 1-2, 2019. Retrieved August 9, 2021. https://cpb-sw2.wpmucdn.com/u.osu.edu/dist/5/66008/files/2018/12/Realist-Foreign-Policy-Herrmann2-12x21lg.pdf.
  26. A.B. Bayram, "Due Deference: Cosmopolitan Social Identity and the Psychology of Legal Obligation in International Politics," International Organization, Vol. 71(supplement), pp. S137-S163. DOI:10.1017/S0020818316000485.
  27. H.J. Morgenthau, "The Twilight of International Morality," Ethics, Vol 58, No. 2, pp. 79-99. 1948. DOI:10.1086/290596
  28. H.J. Morgenthau, Politics Among Nations: The Struggle for Power and Peace, Alfred J. Knopf. 1973.
  29. H.G. Skilling, "Communism: National or International?" International Journal, Vol. 15, No. 1, pp. 36-48. 1960. DOI:10.1177/002070206001500104.
  30. R.W. Cottam, Competitive Interference and Twentieth Century Diplomacy. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. 1967.
  31. W.A. Galston, "The Enduring Vulnerability of Liberal Democracy," Journal of Democracy, Vol. 31, No. 3, pp. 8-24. 2020. DOI:10.1353/jod.2020.0042.
  32. B. Bugaric, "The Rule of Law Derailed: Lessons from the Post-Communist World," Hague Journal on the Rule of Law, Vol. 7, No, 2, pp. 175-197. 2015. DOI:10.1007/s40803-015-0016-4.
  33. G. Grimalda, N. Buchan, and M. Brewer, "Social Identity Mediates the Positive Effect of Globalization on Individual Cooperation: Results from International Experiments," pLoS ONE, Vol. 13, No. 12, pp. 1-25. 2018. DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0206819.
  34. S. Bulmer and C. Lequesne. "The European Union and its Member States: An Overview," In The Member States of the European Union, edited by Simon Bulmer and Christian Lequesne, pp. 1-24. Oxford University Press. 2020.
  35. J. Gilmore and C.M. Rowling "Lighting the Beacon: Presidential Discourse, American Exceptionalism, and Public Diplomacy in Global Contexts," Presidential Studies Quarterly, Vol. 48, No. 2, pp. 271-291. 2018. DOI:10.1111/psq.12445.
  36. T. Ward and P. Green, "Legitimacy, Civil Society, and State Crime," Social Justice, Vol. 27, No. 4, pp 76-93. 2000. https://www.jstor.org/stable/29768037.
  37. J. Pass, "Gramsci Meets Emergentist Materialism: Towards a Neo-Gramscian Perspective on World Order," Review of International Studies, Vol. 44, No. 4, pp. 595-618. 2018. DOI:10.1017/S0260210518000116.
  38. A. Harutyunyan, "National Identity and Public Goods Provision," Comparative Economic Studies, Vol. 62, No. 1, pp. 1-33. 2020. DOI:10.1057/s41294-019-00101-3.
  39. M. Kelly, A. Lubitow, M. Town, and A. Mercier, "Collective Trauma in Queer Communities," Sexuality & Culture, Vol. 24, No. 5, pp. 1522-1543. 2020. DOI:10.1007/s12119-020-09710-y.
  40. NPR: National Public Radio,"ACT UP: A History of AIDS/HIV Activism," June 18, 2021. Accessed January 31, 2022. https://www.npr.org/transcripts/1007361916.
  41. D.L. Torres, "Sticky Ethics, Innovation, and Corporate Responsibility," S.A.M.Advanced Management Journal, Vol. 80, No. 3, pp. 12-22. 2015. https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/sticky-ethicsinnovation-corporate-sponsibility/docview/1725174671/se-2.
  42. A. Higgins, "Montenegro Pledges to Stamp Out a Deadly Trade: Cigarette Smuggling," New York Times, August 24. 2021.
  43. G.G. Brenkert, "Mind the Gap! the Challenges and Limits of (Global) Business Ethics," Journal of Business Ethics, Vol. 155, No. (4), pp. 917-930. 2019. DOI:10.1007/s10551-018-3902-6.
  44. R. Richard, "Is Philosophy Relevant to Business Ethics?: Invited Address to the Society of Business Ethics Annual Meeting, August 2005," Business Ethics Quarterly, Vol. 16, No. 3, pp. 369-380. 2006. DOI:10.5840/beq200616327.
  45. J.S. Nye, Jr. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics, PublicAffairs. 2004.
  46. C. Walker and J. Ludwig. "The Meaning of Sharp Power: How Authoritarian States Project Influence," Foreign Affairs, November 16. 2017. https://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/china/2017-11-16/meaningsharp-power.
  47. R. Mohr, "The Growing Digital Presence of China: China in the Hungarian Digital Space," Contemporary Chinese Political Economy and Strategic Relations, Vol. 7, No. 2, pp. 775-812, IX-X. 2021. https://icaps.nsysu.edu.tw/static/file/131/1131/img/CCPS-V7N2-Mohr.pdf.
  48. Y. Chang, "The Post-Pandemic World: Between Constitutionalized and Authoritarian Orders-- China's Narrative-Power Play in the Pandemic Era," Journal of Chinese Political Science, Vol. 26, No. 1, pp. 27-65. 2021. DOI:10.1007/s11366-020-09695-3.
  49. H.J. Morgenthau, "Vietnam: Shadow and Substance," The New York Review, September 16. 1965. https://www.nybooks.com/articles/1965/09/16/vietnam-shadow-and-substance/.
  50. E.A. Alagoz, "Creation of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank as a Part of China's Smart Power Strategy," Pacific Review, Vol. 32, No. 6, pp. 951-71. 2019. DOI: 10.1080/09512748.2018.1519593.
  51. Economist, "What to Do About China's Sharp Power," December 14. 2017.
  52. J.S. Nye, Jr. "China's Soft Power and Sharp Power. Australian Strategic Policy Institute. The Strategist. 2018, Accessed January 18, 2022. https://www.aspistrategist.org.au/chinas-soft-sharp-power/.
  53. R.W. Cottam, The Return of Politics to International Strategy. Unpublished manuscript. 1994.
  54. K. Wermus, "Chinese Residents Reportedly Turned Away from X''an Hospitals Amid Citywide COVID Lockdown," Newsweek, January 5. 2022.
  55. J.E. Barnes,"Russian Disinformation Targets Vaccine Fears," New York Times, August 6, p. A15. 2021.
  56. Y.W. Lee, "Performing Civilisational Narratives in East Asia: Asian Values, Multiple Modernities, and the Politics of Economic Development," Review of International Studies, Vol. 46, No. 4, pp. 456-476. 2020. DOI:10.1017/S0260210520000212.
  57. W. Wallace, "European Foreign Policy since the Cold War: How Ambitious, How Inhibited?" British Journal of Politics and International Relations, Vol. 19, No. 1, pp. 77-90. 2017. DOI:10.1177/1369148116685297.
  58. A. Kuzior, A. Lobanova, and L. Kalashnikova, "Green Energy in Ukraine: State, Public Demands, and Trends," Energies, Vol. 14, No. 22, pp. 1-14. 2021. DOI:10.3390/en14227745.
  59. D. Matheson, L.J. Kenix, and N. Chaban, "Ukraine Through a Baltic Lens: Regional Networks of Meanings," Demokratizatsiya, Vol 29, No. 4, pp. 353-380. 2021. https://www.muse.jhu.edu/article/797919.
  60. M. Landler, S. Erlanger, and D.E. Sanger. "In Standoff with Putin, Biden is Making Sure Allies are Behind Him," New York Times, January 28, p. A8. 2022.
  61. P. Mozur, "An Emboldened Xi Remakes China's Business World in His Image." New York Times, October 6, p. A1. 2021.
  62. R.W. Cottam, Foreign Policy Motivation: A General Theory and a Case Study, University of Pittsburgh Press. 1977.
  63. B.E. DeDominicis, "Propagating the Image with Plausible Deniability: Covert Media Political Campaigns in the Context of Postwar Postmodernity," Global Journal of Business Research, Vol. 13, No. 1, pp. 33-69. 2019. https://ssrn.com/abstract=3408212.
  64. A. Ferreras, "Chile En El Mundo: La Politica Internacional Durante El Gobierno De Eduardo Frei Montalva (1964-1970)" [Chile in the World: International Policy in Eduardo Frei Montalva's Government (1964-1970)," Naveg@merica, Vol. 26, pp. 1-36. 2021. DOI: 10.6018/nav.460121.
  65. D. Kandiyoti, "Post-Colonialism Compared: Potentials and Limitations in the Middle East and Central Asia," International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 34, No. 2, pp. 279-297. 2002. DOI:10.1017/S0020743802002076.
  66. M. Kebede, "Directing Ethnicity Toward Modernity," Social Theory and Practice, Vol. 27, No. 2, pp. 265-284. 2001. DOI:10.5840/soctheorpract200127212.
  67. C. Arcila-Calderon, D. Blanco-Herrero, and M. Oller-Alonso, "Trusting Communication of the Pandemic: The Perceptions of Spanish Citizens regarding Government Information on Covid-19," El Profesional De La Informacion, Vol. 30, No. 6, pp. 1-12. 2021. DOI:10.3145/epi.2021.nov.06.
  68. A. Cassar, P. Grosjean, and S. Whitt. "Legacies of Violence: Trust and Market Development," Journal of Economic Growth, Vol. 18, No. 3, pp. 285-318. 2013. DOI:10.1007/s10887-013-9091-3.
  69. D.E. Sanger and M. Landler, "Counter China on Foreign Aid, Biden Urges G7," New York Times, June 13, p. A1. 2021.
  70. K. Hill, "A Fire in Minnesota. An Arrest in Mexico. Cameras Everywhere," New York Times, July 31. 2021.
  71. B.M. Chang. "Cultural Diversity and National Identity in English Textbooks of Korea," International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology, Vol. 9, No. 4, pp. 248-253. 2021. DOI:10.17703/IJACT.2021.9.4.248.